From the collection of the

San Francisco, California 2007

SURVEY GRAPHIC

INDEX

NEW YORK

VOLUME XXVI JANUARY 1937— DECEMBER 1937

SURVEY ASSOCIATES, INC.

112 EAST 19TH STREET

Index

VOLUME XXVI January 1937— December 1937

The material in this index is arranged under authors and subjects and in a few cases under titles. Anonymous articles and paragraphs are entered under their subjects. The precise wording of titles has not been retained where abbreviation or paraphrase has seemed more desirable.

Abintcer. Lord, 633 Abyssinia, 392 Acheson, Barclay, 455

A donor's dilemma, 478 Adams, Sam, 294 Addams, Jane, 57

Portrait, 678 Administrative Management Committee

Report, 126 Adult students, 498 AAA, Brookings Institution study of,

343

Agricultural section, 193 Air, control of. 652

Travel by, 724 Airplanes

Railroads and, 728 Alabama, 1 5

Unemployment, 240 Alaska, pioneers, 41 Alcohol, 2(1, 249 Alexander, Frances, Carrot gatherers

from old Mexico (verse), 382 Alexander's Aaron Burr, 294 Alfange's the Supreme Court and the

National Will, 446 Aliens, 315 Allen, T. E., 455

Etchings on the day's work (ills.),

476, 477

America, democratic evolutionary growth, 669-672

Evolution (ills.), 622, 623

On discovering America, 313

Progress in a midwestern community, 669

Ups and downs, shown in Isotype by

Neurath, 660-662 AF of L, 317

Steel strike and, 516 American Federation of Teachers, 283 American Friends Service Committee,

185, 232

American Hospital Association, 70 American Medical Association, 70 American notes, 402 American System, 679

\Yorkers outside of, 681 Americans, restlessness, 314 Amero, Emilio. mural panels (ills.), 220 Amidon, Beulah, 3, 119, 247, 359, 455, 503, 617

Ambassador of Spain, 86

Blueprinting the machine age, 474

Children wanted. 10

Dr. Wang: Ambassador from China, 509

Employers and the spy business, 263

Listening in on the Supreme Court, 133

Modern as a streamliner, 692

Office hours for Mrs. Herrick, 375 Among ourselves, 5, 183, 248, 408, 500,

503, 551

Amur River, 440 Anaconda Copper Mining Co., 525, 548

Mills (ill.), 524

Sketches of Logan, 528, 529 Andrews, John, 266 Anthracite, Pennsylvania district, 63 Anthropology, 538 Apathy, 575 Apricots, 285 Architecture, 539

Arcy Corp.. steel house (ills.), 380 Arkansas, tenant into owner, 418 Armaments, 221, 286 Arm-itrc'iii:'- We or They, 155 Art. 593

American painting (ills.). 428, 429

Art goes to Main Street ( federal work projects), 209-211

Chinese artist of today, a, 512

Daugherty's sketches, 699-701

Dixon's paintings, 83-85

Etchings by J. E. Allen, 476-477

Examples from 'Artists Congress show, 332-333

Folk art of the Southern Highlands (with ills.), 580-581

Gropper, 366, 367

Holmer's murals (ills.), 622, 623

In Main Street, 404

Sculpture at Greenbelt (ills.), 618

Solana paintings (ills.), 18, 19

Southwestern, 448

Sterne's murals (ills.), 633-635 Artists, 207 Artists Congress, 332 Ascoli's Intelligence in Politics, 101 Ascoli and Lehmann's Political and

Economic Democracy, 446 Assessors, 408

Atlanta, Ga., slums and Techwood (ills.), 80,81

University Homes (ill.), 668 Atlantic City, Holmes Village (ill.), 667 Augsburg, Anita. 58 Austin, D. S. (letter), 551 Australia, 368

Automobile drivers, alcohol and, 20. 21 Automobile strike, 121 Automobile trailers, 46 Automobiles, early history of, 474

Market for, 718

B

Bach, J. S., Jr., 119, 247 Little Hitler, 129 Tafari Makonnen, 267 Bacteria, 732 Bailey, Miss, 676-d Baker, H. M., on Murphy's labor

policy, 464

Baker, Newton D., 23 Balch, E. G. (letter), 184 Baldwin, Roger, on Murphy's labor

policy, 467

Baldwin, S. E., 361, 362 llalfour, Earl of, 288 Ballou's Spanish Prelude, 443 Baltimore, Sunpapers, 442 Banking, 681 Barne's An Economic History of the

Western World, 594 Barnes and Littlefield's The Supreme

Court Issue and the Constitution,

397

Barton, Bruce, 105 Barzun's Race, 592 Basques, 340 Bates, Sanford, 23 Bath, England, 267 Bathroom unit. 379 (ills.). 380 Beard, C. A., 183, 283, 617

Rise of the democratic idea in the

LTnited States, the, 201 Turn of the century, the. 679 Behrendt's Modern Building, 539 Bellevue Hospital, murals (ills.), 220 Bellevue-Yorkville health demonstration,

493 Benardete and Humphries' And Spain

Sings, 535 Benedict, M. H. E., 503

A Chinese artist of today, 512 Bennett, H. H., 148-149 Bennett, Harry, 688 Rentley, Henry (letter), 552 Bernheim's Big Business. 345 Bethlehem, Pa., steel mill (ill.), 560 Bethlehem Steel, 516, 565, 566 Bicknell's In War's Wake, 226 Big Business, 345 Bigotry, 153 Bilbao, 460, 463 Biographies, 287, 295 Bituminous coal, 326, 328, 329

Bituminous Coal Code, 328 Blackmer, F. M., 359

The West, water and the grazing

laws, 387

Blackshirts (with ill.), 131 Blacksmiths (ills.), 640 Blum, Leon, 494 Blumenschein, E. L., 428 Boas, Franz, 407

Science in Nazi Germany, 415 Boeckel, F. B., 105 Bojer's By Day and by Night, 395 Bond, F. D. (letter), 183 Books, reviews, 42, 99, 154, 224, 287,

342, 394, 442, 490, 535, 590 Borchard and Lage's Neutrality for the

United States, 594 Borgese's Goliath, 590 Bottle making, old and new (ills.), 278,

279

Bowen's William Hogarth, 290 Bradley, R. M., 404 (letter), 408 Brady's The Spirit and Structure of

German Fascism, 603 Brain organization, 649, 653 Brawley's Negro Genius, 295 Brecht, Arnold, 194 Brenner, A. R., 705

Portrait, 620 Brickwedde, F. G., 297 Britain, Capitalist democracy, 507, 508

Cooperatives (with ill.), 137

Dominions, problems, 370

Fascism, 129

Future population (graph), 257

King's love affair, 39

Palestine and, 440, 441

Social pyramid (graph), 256

That glorious Empire, 368 British Constitution, 5, 361 British Health Insurance, 636

How much bureaucracy?, 711

Johnny Bull joins up, 637

Medical card, 710

System in a nutshell, 709

Wage earner's card, 638 Britten, R. H., 373 Bronson Cutting Memorial Lectures, 249

Beard on democracy, 201 Brookings, R. S., 291 Brooklyn, Williamsburg Houses, 664,

667 (ill.)

Brooklyn Bridge (ill.), 593 Brooklyn Jewish Hospital, 437, 439 Brophy's If Women Must Work, 228 Brown, Bill, 29 Brown, J. F., 521 Brown, Pledge, 41 Brown and Roucek's Our Racial and

National Minorities, 592 Brownlow, Louis, 126 Brownlow, W. G., 591 Bryanism, 682 Bryce, Frederick, 551

Wanted: leaders for labor, 577 Buck, Pearl S., 311, 404

on discovering America, 313, 408 Buckner, Fred, 64 (portrait), 67 Budget, 422 Buenos Aires. 97, 98 Burdell, E. S., 249 Bureau of Standards, 297 Hurlin, Paul, 333 Burlingham, C. C., 230 Burns's The Decline of Competition. 599 Burr. Aaron, 294 Burritt, Elihu, 591 Bus travel, 725 Business, 430

American business man: 1937 model,

16

Butler, N. M., 106, 108 Butte, Mont.. 195. 526 Byrnes law, 306

Cabot, R. C, 311, 521, 676-d

Ministers and spiritual maladies, 330 Cabot Fund, 617 California, co-op, 44 Calkins' Spy Overhead, 593 Calkins' They Broke the Prairie, 490 Cambridge, New Towne Court (ill.), 66: Cameron, W. J., 688 Campbell, Ken, Suffer the little children,

236 Camps, CCC, 321

Wisconsin (ills.), 324

Work camps, 232 Canada, 352, 368, 445 Canby's Seven Years' Harvest, 394 Capitalism, 424, 506, 579, 679

Democracy and, 201 Card game (verse), 441 Cardenas — that is the way he is, 425 Cardozo, B. N., 673

Portrait and quotation, 360 Carlson, A. D., 455

And now, a co-op hospital, 470 Carnegie Endowment, 105, 106. 184 Carnegie-Illinois Steel Corp., 187 Carrot gatherers from old Mexico

(verse), 382 Catalonia, children's colonies, 459, 461

(with ills.) Centralization, 128 Chain gangs, 409 Chamberlain, Austen, 704 Chamberlain, John, on Murphy's labor

policy, 468

ChamueiUin, Neville, 256 Chamberlin's Collectivism, 342 Chapman. John Jay, 591 Charities and The Commons, 676-a Charity, 478 Chase, Stuart, 548, 615

Working with nature, 624 Chassell's The Relation Between Moral- ity and Intellect, 158 Chevrolet plant, 215, 216, 217 Chicago

Lathrop Homes and Addams Houses (ills.), 666

Schools, 282 Child labor, 10

Recent record, 10

Various industries in which children are employed (ills.), 10. 11, 12. 13 Child Labor Amendment, 10, 12

Opposition, 14

Ratification by states (map), 15 Children, Future of, 341

Oak Park, 111., panels in Irving School (ills.), 554

Preferences, 404

Spanish refugees, 459 Children's Bureau, foundation and

work. 544 China, Embassy at Washington, 509

Empress Dowager, 512, 515 (portrait)

Japan and, 440

Japan at war in, 533 Chinese Emperors (with portraits),

512-515

Chinese language, 300 Christianity, 330, 331 Chronic sickness, 371, 372

Medical care for, 372

Unemployment and, 373 Chrysler Corp., 263, 265, 266

Strike, 317

Church. i>. P., King's move (verse). 155 Churches, peace ^societies and, 59 Churning (drawing), 198 Cincinnati, Dykstra as city manager, 204

P.R. in, 552 Cities

If the city fails, America fails, 663

Snow removal in, 69

IV

Ind

e x

Westward course of great, shown in

Isotype, 662 City manager, 204 Citizenship, 486 CCC, Can it blaze a new trail?, 321

Statistics and cost, 322 Civilization, 219, 533, 594 Clark, Evans, 80 Cleanliness, 732 Cleghorn, S. N. (letter), 409 Cleghorn's Threescore, 100 Clergymen, case records, 330 Cleveland, Ohio, Cedar Central Apts.

(ill.), 664

Coal industry, saving, 326 Coal-loading machines, 273 Coblentz, S. A., Card game (verse), 441 __ While Spain smolders (verse), 153 Coffee production and destruction, 1933,

symbols, 27 Cohen. "Chowder Head," 263, 265

(portrait) Colcord, J. C., 407

Tenant into owner, 418 Collective bargaining, 187, 190, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 412, 579

Bethlehem Steel and, 516 Collectivism, 342

Colleges, Character developed by foot- ball, 588

Small, 479 Colorado, Economic instability, 196

Grasshoppers, 4US Columbus, Ohio, 623 Commentator, The (magazine), 154 CIO, 318, 527, 563, 565

Hillman and, 339

Steel and the C.I. O., 187

Sted strike and, 516 Commons, J. R., on Murphy's labor

policy, 468 Communism, 432 Community chests, 478, 480 Community radio station, 42 Congress, Social security and, 150

Supreme Court and, 88 Conkle, E. P., 41 Connor, R. D. W., 348 Conservation, 227 Constitution, 128. 446, 632, 736

Base-lines in amending, 89

Clark proposal for amending, 90

Constitution at 150, the, 361

Garrison proposal for amending, 91

General welfare clause, 90

Need_s and safeguards, 91

President's romance and, 5

Proposed Amendment, 88, 91

Why amendment is proposed, 89 Consumer cooperation, 50 Consumers' cooperatives, 137 Consumption, production and, 192 Cook, Howard, drawings, 197-200 Cooke, M. L., 119. 145, 148-149 Cooper,. J. M., 220 Cooperative hospital, 470 Cooperative movement, 296 Cooperatives, 50

Educational activities, 141

Measuring the cooperatives, 137

Membership (graphs), 138, 139

Self-help, 433, 434 Copper industry, 195 Corle's People on the Earth, 495 Coronet (magazine), 154 Corporations, 7, 680

Directors, 183 Corwin. E. S., 362 Cota, M. D., 247

Happy ending, 301 Cotton, problem, 240 Cotton pickers (verse), 427 Coulcher, P. N., 260, 261 Coulter's William G. Brownlow, 591 Counts, G. S., 283 Courage, 575 Courts, 632 Cowley's After the Genteel Tradition,

605 Coyle, D. C, 407

Tax for democracy!, 421 Cram's The End of Democracy, 604 Crawford's Your Child Faces War, 535 Cremation, 249 Crime, 522

Prohibition repeal and, 22

Sex crimes, 569 Cromwell and Czerwonky's In Defense

of Capitalism, 394 Cronin's The Citadel, 598 Crowder, Farnsworth, 183

Is the world going mad?, 219 Crowell, E. M., Southwestern art sur- vives the depression, 448 Crowell, G. N., 407, 500

Cotton pickers (verse), 427 Curti's The Learned Blacksmith. 591 Curtiss* Sky Storming Yankee, 591 Cutting, Bronson. memorial to, 202 Czechoslovakia, 504

D

Dagenhart, Reuben, 12 Daley, W. E., 500

Shorewood, where adults are students,

498

Dallas, Texas, artists, 448 Dalrymple, S. H., on Murphy's labor

policy, 465

Daugherty, James, sketches. 699-701 Davis, J. L., on Murphy's labor policy,

464 Davis, M. M., 55. 247, 676-d

Doctors dissect medical care, 270

Next moves in medical care, 70 Dayton, N. A., 219, 220 Dean, V. M., 98 Dearborn, Mich., 686, 723 Decentralization, housing, 81 De Forest, R. W., 676-a

Portrait, 678 Delano, F. A., 80

Democracy, 100, 101, 343. 446, 505, 604, 702, 704

Basis, 424

British, 40

Corruptions, 682

Machines and, 646

Making democracy work, 126

Masaryk on, 504

Rise of the democratic idea in the United States. 201

Science and, 643, 714. 716

Tax for democracy!, 421 Dempsey, Jack, 259 Denmark, 101 Depression, 430

Bitter record, 707 Detective agencies, 263, 265 Detroit, 686, 719

Medical Research Institute, 720 Detzer, Dorothy, 105 De Valera, Mr., 369 Devine, E. T., 619, 676-a

Birthday, 243

Portrait, 678 Dewey, John, 15 Dewey, T. E., 247, 259-262 (with

portrait)

Dictatorships, 392, 507, 590 Digests, 154 Dilemmas, 342 Dilliard, Irving, 55

Mr. Roosevelt and the Supreme Court,

93

Dinwoody, Dean, 319 Disease, 706 Divine. Father, 492 Dixon, Maynard, paintings, 83-85 Dobbs. Farrell, 30, 31 Doctors, 270

British, health insurance and, 636

Doctors dissect medical care, 270 Dodge (F. W.) Corp.. 382 Dolls, making (ill.). 275 Donor's dilemma, 478 Doyle's The Etiquette of Race Relations

in the South, 592 Drinking cups, 733 Droughts, 145

Problem, 240 Drugstores, 732, 733 Drunkenness. See Intoxication Dugdale's Arthur James Balfour. 288 Dummer's Why I "Think So, 293 Dunbar, Paul Laurence, 496 Dunlap's Marconi, 294 Dunnigan, E. J., 29 Durlach, T. M. (letter), 184 Dust Bowl, 196 Dust storm, Great Falls, 524 Dyess Colony, 418 Dykstra, C. A., 617

If the city fails. America fails, 663

Scholar in action, 204

E

Eaton's Handicrafts of the Southern

Highlands (with ills.), 580-381 Economic areas, 193 ^ State walls and, 192 Economic welfare, 91 Economics, 227, 229 Education, 396, 706

Informative content (H. G. Wells). 555

Visual, 25 Edward VIII, 255

Love affair, 39 Efficiency, 274

Eichelberger, C. M. (letter). 184 Einstein. Albert, on war, 523 Electricity, workers and, 644 Eliot, M. M., 544 Elk City, Okla.. 470, 473 (ill.)

Cooperative hospital, 470, 471 (ill.) Hlerbe. N. C., school, 350 Ellis, Havelock. .i.iv

The soul of Spain (with portrait). 364 Ellis Island, mural (ill.), 209 Embelli. Elanore, 461 Employers and the spy business, 263 Emporia, progress, 669 Emporia Gazette, 601 England, 536

Coronation background, 255

Present destiny, 256

Reconstruction plans, 258

Spain and, 365

Two Englands, the, 255 Ernst's The Ultimate Power, 343 Erosion, 485

United States (map), 148-149 Error, 344 Espionage, 263, 593 Ethiopia, 267 Ethiopians, 340 Events (magazine), 154

Fair play, 588, 589

Fairfield, near Bath, England, 267

Fairless. Benjamin, 187, 190

Faith, 706

Far East, 440

Farewell to Bohemia, 207

Farm in the spring (ill.), 250

Fascism, 110, 432, 573, 576

Britain, 129

Fascist axes (ill.), 575

Nazi-ism and, 393 Federal art projects, 207 FERA, 673

Rehabilitation colony, 418 Federal Theater, Dramatization of It Can't Happen Here (with ill.), 211

Uncle Sam takes the stage, 212 Fellowship of Reconciliation, 185 Filene, E. A., 3

American business man: 1937 model,

16

Films, National Archives, 348 Filmus. Tully, 332 Finerty, John, 261 Finley, J. H., 676-a Fisher body plant, 215, 216, 217 Fishes, intelligence of, 533 Fitch, J. A., 183

Steel and the C.I. O., 187 Flint, Mich., 563, 564 Hoods, 145 Foley, E. J., 82 Food, 534

Surplus of farmers, 647 Football, character and, 588 Footnote to progress, 732 Ford, Edsel, 688, 723 Ford, Henry, 508

At the wheel, 686

Career, 688

Employment policies, 687

Portrait, 687

Workers for (ills.), 683-685 Ford, Paul Leicester, 676-a Ford Motor Co., 382, 562, 565, 686, 717

Assembly line (ill.), 684

Conveyers (ill.), 685 Foreign Policy Association, 185 Foreign travel, 352 Fort Peck, 525 Foster, W. Z., 187, 188 Frankel, L. K., 676-a Frankensteen, Richard, 264 (portrait),

265, 688 (with portrait) Frankfurter, Felix, 95 Frankfurter's The Commerce Clause,

225

Free trade among the states, 192 Freedom. See Liberty Freeman, Don, 332 Freeman, Mrs. J. W., 617 Freud, Sigmund, on war, 523 Freund's Zero Hour, 221 Frey, J. P., 190 Friedrich's Constitutional Government

and Politics, 592 Friendly, Alfred, 404

Harlem — at home, 606

Transient, 402

Friends Service Committee, 463 Frost, Robert, 392, 393 Fry, Elizabeth. 292 Fuller, Buckminster, 377, 379, 380 Future, 99

Gabrielson, W. A. (with portrait), 585

Gale's Light Woman, 395

Gambling, 285

Gambs, J. S., 408

Hospitals and the unions, 435

Gandhi, Mahatma, 370, 481, 482, 483 (ill.)

Garrett, Caret, on Murphy's labor policy, 465

Gary, E. H., 516

Gavit, J. P., 5, 617, 676-a

Cluster of grim conundrums, 440 East is East but South is South, 97 Fair play, in football and so on, 588 Farce of the chandelier-players. 221 Human interest story, the biggest, 39 Leaks around the bulkheads. 392 Of brains piscatorial — and others, 533 Over one man's desk, 702 Report of progress — a la Hitler, 152 We can't trust even the fruit, 285 We tearful crocodiles, 340 Woman without a country, a, 486

Gellhorn, Martha, 55

Returning prosperity, 103 General Motors Corp., 263, 306, 317,

563, 565

General welfare, Constitution and, 90 George VI, 255 Germany, 152, 221, 222, 392

Democracy and, 506

Education of the young, 415

Intellectual and scientific decline, 415

Jewish question, 415

Nazi goal, mystic expression (ill.), 414

Nazi science, 415

Scientific societies, control of, 417

Self-destruction, 523 Germs, 732 Gessner's Some of My Best Friends

Are Jews, 156

Gide's Return from the U.S.S.R., 398 Girdler, Tom, 377. 517 Giving, donor's dilemma, 478 Glickman, Maurice, 332 Glover, Edward, 522 Goldenweiser's Anthropology, 538 Goldmark and Brandeis' Democracy in

Denmark, 101 Government, 126, 128

American, 201

Municipal, 204

Participation in public welfare, 478

Role of, 452 Graef, H. H., 436 Grant, Thomas, 709 Grasshoppers, 408 Graves, H. N., 23 Grayson County, Va., 296 Great Falls, Mont., community, 529

Cultural activities, 546

Dust storm and shutdown, 524 Great Plains Committee report, 147 Green, Leon, 319 Green, William, 190 Greenbelt, sculpture (ills.), 618 Greenfield Village, 717 Grey of Fallodon, 288 Grohowski, Leo, 67

Gropper, William, cartoons and paint- ings, 366, 367 Group piecework, 697 Guffey-Vinson Act, 326 Guggenheim dynasty, 596 Gulf of Mexico coastal plain, industries,

195 (map), 196 Gulick, Luther, 119

Making democracy work, 126 Gulick, S. L., 59 Gunnison's Magic Homes, 379 Guy, Amy, 431, 433

H

Hackett, S. E., 190 Hagedorn's Brookings, 291 Haile Selassie, sketch of his life in England, with portrait bust (ill.), 267

Hair, 431

Hale, Edward Everett, 676-a Hallgren's The Tragic Fallacy, 595 Hallowe'en, 611 Hamilton, W. H., 615

The living law, 632 Hamilton and Adair's The Power to

Govern, 446 Handicrafts of the Southern Highlands

(with ills.), 580-581 Hanna, P. S., 551

Six months after the strikes, 562 Hapai, Mrs. Lei, 586, 587 Happy ending, 301 Hare System of voting, 383, 386 Harlem, at home, 606 Harriman, E. H., 693, 694 Harriman, W. A., 729, 730

Portrait, 694

Harris, Charles, 64 (portrait), 67 Harrison and Laine's After Repeal, 43 Hatcher's Central Standard Time, 395 Hatred, 523

American hatred for one another, 3 1 4 Hauser, E. O., 455

Storm over India, 481 Hay, John, 682 Hays. A. G., 63, 67 (portrait in group),

68

Headliners, 408 Health, 732

How healthy are we?. 371

National Health Inventory, 371

Prohibition repeal and, 22

Public welfare and, 676 Heard's The Source of Civilization, 224 Hearst, W. R., Ill Heidelberg and the Universities of

America, 230 Helium, 340

Henderson's Brothers of Light, 495 Henri's Hitler Over Russia. 99 Henry Hudson Parkway. 335 Herlands. W. B., 247. 259 Herndon's Let Me Live. 293 Herrick, E. M., Office hours for Mrs. Herrick, 375

Ind

e x

Pin-trait in group, 376 Ht'yniaim, l.ydia, 58 High, Stanley, 247

i:icc vour taxes, 251 Highschool sketches, 699-701 Hill, Charles, 637 Hillman. Siilney, as labor leader (with

portrait). 338-

HindenburK (zeppelin) catastrophe, 340 Hine, L. W., 274

Photo studies of manpower, skills, 275-279

Work portraits (ills.). 639-642 History, 653 Hitler,' 129. 152, 153, 574

Churches and, 393

Little Hitler. 129 Hoare, Sir Samuel, 483 Booking's The Lasting Elements of

Individualism, 540 Hoehler. F. K.. 617

The rise of public welfare, 673 Hogarth (with ills.), 290 lln:;'K-n, Lancelot, 628 Hogben's Mathematics for the Million,

492

Holland, D. F., 372, 374 Holmer, J. F., murals (ills.), 622, 623 Holmes, justice O. W., 486, 735 Holt's Under the Swastika, 152 Homeless men, shelter, 402 Honolulu, Bureau of Crime Prevention, 586

Central Police Stations, 585 (ill.), 587

Junior police (ill.), 584

Law enforcement, 583

Police football team (ill.), 587

Race mixture. 610 Hook, J. M., 49 "Hooking" and "hookers," 266 Hoover. Herbert, business and, 48 Hoover's Dictators and Democracies,

590

Hope, 708

Hopkins, Mark, 103 Horner, Governor, 564 Horrabin's An Atlas of Empire, 222 Hosiery workers (ills.), 641 Hospital for Joint Diseases, 438 Hospitals, 70

Associated Hospital Service, 142

Cooperative, Elk City, 470

Unions and, 435

"Vour hospital bill is paid," 142 Housing, 5

Crux of the trouble, 80

Decentralization, .51

Experts meet, 548

International Conference, 239

Legislation, 238

New stepping stones. 664

Packaged houses, 377

Prefabricated houses, 377

Public demand, 239

PWA projects, 79

Publications on building, 382

Roosevelt and, 115

Three years of public housing, 78

Wagner bills, 82 Howard, Kinsey, 503

Shutdown on the hill, 524 Howe's Denmark, 101 Howe's John Jay Chapman, 591 Huberman's Man's Worldly Goods. 229 Hughes, C. E., 362 Hull, Cordell. 97, 107 Hull's William Penn, 287 Human inventions, 46, 69, 232. 296 Human nature, 1 59

Destructive urge, 520 Human needs, desires versus, 331 Human relations, 695, 697 Humanity, 101 Hutchins' The Higher Learning in

America, 396 Hydrogen, 298

Ickes, H. L., 82 Illinois, strikes, 564 Immigrants, 313

Memorial in Worcester to the settlers

of New England (ill.). 312 Immigration, 355 Imperial Conference, 368 Income tax, 423 India, 369, 370, 600

New constitution, 483

Princes and principalities, 483, 484

Storm over India, 481 Indians. Southwestern, 495 Indies. 724 Individualism. 540

Individualist at prayer (drawing), 409 Industrial control, 599 Industrial relations, 450 Industrial sections, 193 Industrial standards, 451 Industrialism, 201 Industry, 159

Low-stability sections. 195

Security in, 577

Social situation in, 696

Stability of industries, 192

Strikes, observers on each side, 562 Inglewood, Cal. (ill.), 571 Inland Empire, industries (map), 194 Insanity, 219 Intemperance, 20

Handicapper (poster), 23 Inter-American Pea< e Conference, 97 International Woman Suffrage Alliance,

57

Interstate commerce, 90 Intoxication among women, 24 Invention, 714, 716

Forecasting, 474

Thrust of, 643 Irish Free State. 369 Isotypes, 25, 643-647. 660-662 Italy, 221, 392, 393, 589

Press censorship, 392, 393

James. William, 102, 325 janesville, Wis., 214. 215 (ill.)

Swapping a lay-off for a rush (with ills.), 217

Working of the state unemployment

insurance act, 214 Japan. 589

China against, 511

China and, 440, 533

Old fashioned girl of modern Japan. the, 34

Organizing of women workers, 38

Sun Goddess, 37

Women's deportment and ethics,

36, 37 Jastrow's The Story of Human Error,

344 Jeffers, W. M., 692. 728

Portrait, 693 Jefferson, Thomas, 362 Jennings, Emerson, 63 (with ill.), 64. 65, 248

Verdict against, 104 Tessup, Doremus. 63, 104, 248 Tessup. P. C, 98 jews, 156

England, 130

Germany and, 415 Jobs, 404

As property, 320

Make jobs or perish, 430 Johnson, A. F., 428 Johnson's Jordanstown, 395 'lolinson's One -Might. 'Icrrent, 287 Johnstown, Pa., 542, 565 Tordan, Virgil, 49 Judges, 632

Justice, Department of murals in build- ing (ills.), 132, 134

Kaempffert, Waldemar, 615

The thrust of invention, 643 Kansas City. Ford plant, 687 Karlson's The World Around Us. 157 Kataev's Peace Is Where the Tempests

Blow. 395 Kay, H. H., 3

Balance-sheet of repeal, 20 Kellett's The Story of Dictatorship, 590 Kelley, Florciuc, portrait, 678 Kellogg, Arthur, portrait, 621 Kellogg, Charlotte, Mother and son

(verse), 249 Kellogg, F. I... 3

"Two hundred were chosen," 41 Kellogg, Paul, 615

Degree of Doctor of Letters, 548

On Norman Thomas, 5

Portrait, 621

Team play, 619

Kellogg-Briand Pact, last page (ill.), 58 Kennedy's Together and Apart, 395 Kent, Rockwell, drawings, 56 Kerr, Clark, 119

Measuring the cooperatives, 137 Kerr, F. M., 525 Keun's A Foreigner Looks at the TYA,

398

King's move (verse), 155 Kingsbury's Newspapers and the News,

442

Kipling's Something of Myself, 289 Kirk, F. C, 333 Kitchen planning, 380 Klamath region. 624 Knots, tying (ills.), 275 Kohn's Western Civilization in the Near

East, 158 Kratz, J. A., 447 Kreighbaum. Hillier, 247, 311

At the Children's Bureau, 544

At the National Archives, 348

At the Soil Conservation Service. 485

At the Vocational Rehabilitation Service, 447

Servants of the people, ?97 Kuhl, "Red," 265 (portrait). 266

Labor, 404

Adjustment agencies, 122

Cases before the Supreme Court, 133, 134, 136

Compulsion, danger of, 450

Governmental attitudes toward, 518

Hillman as leader, 338

Labor, management and the public. 388

Leaders wanted, 577

Mediation board, 122, 124

Murphy's policy, 464

Shaping of a labor policy, 41 1

X-ray of the situation (ill.) 578 Labor espionage, employers and the spy

business, 263 Labor movement, sit-down strikes in

relation to, 316 Labor Relations Act, 121, 134, 136, 248,

375

Labor Relations Board, 121, 248, 516, 543

Disputes and, 390, 391 La Follette hearings. 263 Laidlaw, L. B., These men might sing

(verse), 144 Laing, G. A., 157 Lai's The Vanishing Empire, 600 Landis, J. M., 319 Langdon-Davies' A Short History of

the Future, 99 Langdon-Davies' Behind the Spanish

Barricades, 443 Language, symbolic, 25 Language education, 28 La Prade, Malcolm, 724 Larson, C. T., 359

Packaged houses, 377 Lasker, L. D., 55, 617

New stepping stones for American homes, 664

Notes on housing, 238

Three years of public housing, 78 Laski, H. J., 503, 551

Liberty in an insecure world, 505, 573 Laski's The Rise of Liberalism, 101 Lasswell, Harold, 520 Law, enforcement, 583

Living law, 632

Prevailing opinion and, 736 I^awrence, David, on Murphy's labor

policy, 469

Lawrence, Mrs. Pethick, 57 Lay-offs with pay, 214 Leacli, A. li., poruait, 678 Leach. R. W., 215 Leadership, 128, 226. 575

Wanted: leaders for labor, 577 League Against War and Fascism,

109, 110

League of Nations, 98, 341, 393, 533, 704

Council chamber ceiling (ills.), 59 Lee. Doris, painting, 250 Lee's The Daily Newspaper in America,

442 Leet, Glen, 119

Social security and Congress, 150 Leiserson, W. M., 119, 376

What can we do about strikes?, 121 Leisure. 695

The new leisure and the okl need, 698 Lendrum, F. V., 720 LeTourneau, R. G., 378 Letteer, Lyle, 265 Letters and life, 705 Levinson, Edward, 551

Six months after the strikes, 565 Lewi's The Gods Arrive, 395 I-ewis, J. L., 187, 188, 318, 320. 527, 562. 578, 686, 718

Drawing by H. A. Knight, 186

Steel strike and, 516 Lewis, Sinclair, 211 Lewis. T. M., 66 (portrait), 68 Lewis' A History of American Political

Thought, 604 Libby, Frederick, 105 Liberalism. 101 Liberty, 102, 704

Decline in, 505

Liberty in an insecure world, 573 Life (magazine), 154 Life and letters, 42. 99, 154. 224. 287.

342, 394. 442. 490, 535, 590 Lifting machines, 273 Lindeman. E. C., 183

Farewell to Bohemia, 207 l.ippmann. Waiter, 626 Lippmann's The Supreme Court, 397 Lkiuor, 20

Control, 43 Litchfield, P. W.. 49 Littell, Robert, 311

Ellerbe learns by doing, 350 Llewellyn, K. N., 55

Proposed Amendment, 88 Lodge, H. C. (elder), 704 I-ogan, James, sketches. 528. 529 Lonberg-Holm, K., 380 London. 258

Working Men's Colleee. 698 Look (magazine). 154, 551 I.orentz, Pare, 629 Louisiana, economic instability, 196

Luzerne County, Pa., 63 Courtroom group (ill.), 67

M

McCaleb's History of the Brotherhood

of Railroad Trainmen, 537 McCook, P. J., 259, 261 Macfarland, C. S., letter to Hitler, 393 McHale, Tom, 66 Machine age, blueprinting the, 474 Machines, 273, 643

Democracy and, 646 Mack, J. W., portrait, 678 McKenna, Justice. 735 MacKenzie's Planned Society, 600 McNeill-Moss, The Siege of Alcazar,

535

McReynolds, Justice, 388 Madariaga's Anarchy of Hierarchy. 342 Madrid, refugee children from, 458

(ill.), 459, 460. 462 Magazines, new, 154 Magnusson, Leifur, 311

Textiles: A self-diagnosis, 346 Maitland, F. W., 361 Makonnen, Tafari, 267 Malaga, refugees from, 458 (ill.), 460

(with ill.) Malnutrition, 534 Man, 533, 538, 540

Common man comes to power, 671

Destructive urge, 520

Early, 702

New animal (ill.), 651 Management, 126 Marconi, Guglielmo, 294 Marriage, laboratory tests for, 400 Marshall, John, 363 Martin, Homer, 687, 719

Portrait, 688 Masaryk, Alice, 487 Masaryk, T. G., note with portrait bust

(ill.), 504

Mass production, houses, 377 Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 222

Dean of humanities, 249 Massie, Mrs. T. H., 583 Masters' Across Spoon River, 294 Matanuska resettlement project, 41 Mathematics, 492 Mathewson, S. B., 359, 404

Labor, management and the public, 388

On Murphy's labor policy, 468 Maurois' The Miracle of England, 536 Maverick, Maury, on Murphy's labor

policy, 464

Maverick's A Maverick American, 591 May, E. S., 157 Mayo, Elton, 617

What every village knows, 695 Mead's Cooperation and Competition

Among Primitive Peoples, 538 Meade's An Introduction to Economic

Analysis and Policy, 227 Mears, Helen, 3

The old fashioned girl of modern

Japan, 34

Mechanics (ills.), 639, 642 Medical care, cooperative, f.Vf City, 470

Doctors dissect medical care, 270

Next moves in medical care, 70 Medicine, 270, 598 Mencken, H. L., on Murphy s labor

policy, 465 Menninger, K. A., 503

Combating man's destructive urge,

520

Mental hygiene, 521 Mental illness, 374

Is the world going mad?, 219 Merriam. C. E., 126 Merriam's The Role of Politics in

Social Changes, 155 Mexico, 352, 425, 540

Agrarian problem, 426

Carrot gatherers (verse), 382 Michigan, Labor bill, 464

Strikes, 562

Michigan Labor Relations Act, 411 Microphone, how to talk through, 296 Midmonthly Survey, condensed state- ment, 175

Midweek Pictorial, 154 Midwest, progress. 669 Mignone, A. F., 404

Laboratory tests for marriage, 400 Military training. 222 Millard, W. J.. 384 Miller, F. S.. 247

Mrs. Parrish and the Justices, 303 Miller's I Found No Peace, 231 Miller's Sam Adams. 294 Miller's The Blessings of Liberty. 102 Millis' Viewed Without Alarm, 222 Mills's Prices in Recession and

Recovery, 398

Mims, H. S., Spain in flames, 443 Mind. 652

Unified, 653

Ming Tuu Chung. 512. 514 (portrait) Minimum wage, 303, 304

VI

Ministers and spiritual maladies, 330 Novels, 395

Minneapolis, 399 Nutrition, 534

Hallowe'en, 611 Nye report, 109

Local 544, 29, 32

Municipal profile, 29 O

Truck drivers receiving orders (ill.), 32

Truck drivers' union, headquarters (ill.), 31

Welfare Board, 32 Miracles, 705 Mississippi River, 629 Mississippi Valley, annual flow of rivers and possible program (maps), 146 Missouri River, 527 Mitchell, Broadus, on Murphy's labor

policy, 469 Mitla. 44

Mobile houses, 379, 380, 381 (ills.) Modern Hospital (magazine), 436, 437 Modley, Rudolf, 500

Pictographs of the United States,

488, 489 Money, 681 Monotony of work, 696 Monroe, Mich., 517-519 -Montana Power Co., 525 Morals. 158 Morgan, A. E., 55, 626

Benchmarks in the Tennessee Valley,

73

Morgan, Harcourt, 628 Mortimer, Wyndham, 719 Mo.es, Robert, 311, 478

Who will pay the piper?, 334 Mosley, Sir Oswald (with portrait), 129 Mother and son (verse), 249 Motherwell, Hiram, 183

Uncle Sam takes the stage, 212 Mott and Casey's Interpretations of

Journalism, 442 Moulton, H. G., 225 Mulliner, H. H., 286 Murcia, 461 Murphy, Frank, 407, 455, 564

Comments on his labor policy, 464 Shaping of a labor policy, 411 Murphy, G. M., 297 Murray, H. M., panels, 554 Murray, Philip, 188

Portrait in group, 191 Mussolini, 129, 152, 574

Jews, and, 393

Spain and Hitler and, 392

N

National Archives, 348

NIRA, 317

National Park Service, 323

National Parks, 352

National Peace Conference, 106, 107,

108 NRA, 10

Codes and children, 10, 13 National Resources Committee

Study of technical change, 474 Nationalists, 651 Naturalization, 486 Nazis, 152

Germany's aspiration (ill.), 414 Nazism, 603

Fascism and, 393 Near East, 158 Negroes, 295

Virginia boy (drawing), 199 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 370, 481, 482 (with

portrait)

Nelson's Rhythm for Rain, 495 Neubeiger and Kami s Integrity, 490 Neurath, Otto, 3

Isotypes, 643-647, 660-662

Visual education. 25 Neutrality, 222, 594

Peace by, 108

New Deal. London book on. 344 New England, economic sections, 194,

195 (map)

New England Council, 48 New Hampshire, fine forests, 625 New York (city), C'harter reform, back- ground, 383

Citizens (names) who work for better government, 384, 385

Hospital strikes, 435

Municipal Art Committee's exhibition, 428, 429

Parks, playgrounds, and parkways, 334

Politics, letters on. 551

Proportional representation, 383

Restaurant rackets, 259

Women's City Club, 384 New Zealand, 368

Sex offenses, 571 Newlon, J. H., 283 Newspapers. Books on, 442 Xewton's Light. Like the Sun, 249 Noel-Baker's The Private Manufacture

of Armaments, 286 Xorris, G. W., 626

Life of, 490

Xorth Carolina, Ellerhe school, 350 Northwest Organizer, The (newspaper), 33

Index

Occupational groups (graph), 9

O'Connor's The Guggenheims, 596

Ohio, strikes, 565

Oil, war and, 285

Old age, 129

Americans aged 65 and over (graph),

8

Benefits. 150

Older persons and youth, percentages of increase (graph), 9

Omaha, 692

Organization of Medical Care, 270

Orr, D. W. and I. W., 615

What 19,000 doctors could tell us, 636

Ortega y Gasset's Invertebrate Spain. 443

Outlawry of War, 185

Overstreet's A Declaration of Inter- dependence, 224

Owatonna, Mich., 404

Pacific Northwest, industries (map), 194

Pacifism, 62, 487

Packaged houses, 377

Page's Living Courageously, 228

Palestine, Britain and, 440, 441

Jewish-Arab conflict in, 440

Present and future (map), 441 Pamphlets, 160 Parker, R. R., 732 Parker Pen Co., 215, 216, 217 Parker's The Incredible Messiah, 492 Parkins and Whitaker's Our Natural

Resources, 227 Parks, New York City. 334 Parliament, 361 I'arran, Thomas, 404, 408 Parrish, Elsie and the Justices, 303 Parsnips, 285

Parsons' Mitla — Town of the Sculs, 44 Paul's The Life and Death of a Spanish

Town, 535 Peace movement, 57, 486

Binding thread, 1 1 1

Epochs and evolution, 60

Europe and America, reading ot (cartoons), 62

leaders in organization, (.2

Leftist tendency, 109

letters of criticism on Mis-, Thompson's article, 184

Middle classes and, 60

National Peace Conference. 106, 107. 108

Neutrality and. 108

Organized bodies in, 61

Range, 59

What it is not, 111

Who wants peace?, 57

Youth and, 61 Peacemakers, 650 Pearson and Allen's The Nine OM Men,

156

Peiping, 440 Penn, William, 287 Pennsylvania, unemployment, 240 Perrott. G. St. J., 371, 372 Perry's The Thought and Character of

William James. 102 Phelps, H. B., drawings, 280-284,

530-532

Philadelphia, ashmen's strike (ill.), 389 Philanthropy, 478 Photo-History (quarterly), 548 Physicians. 270

See also Doctors Physics, 157 Pickett, C. E.. 455

Succor knows no sides, 463 Pictographs, United States. 488, 489 Pictorial Statistics. 273 Pictures, teaching by, 28 Pierce Foundation. 379 Pinkerton, R. A., 263, 265 (portrait) Pittsburgh. 197

Industrial District (map), 193 I'ittshurgh Survey, 617, 676-a Planning, 600 Playgrounds, 478

Poetry, modern books — Scott, Laidlaw, Converse. Henderson, Brewer, 345 Police, Honolulu, 583 (ill.), 584 Political parties. 507 Political thought, 604 Politics. 592 Poison. Mont., 525 Poor, H. V.. 132 Poor man's court, 296 Pope Pius XI's Encyclical. 15S Poverty, sickness and, 373 Power, increase, 649

Industrial plants. 645

Issue ami the T\ .\. '}

Making a bargain, 76

Pod. 77

Private companies in the past, 73 Pratt, H. S., portrait, 678

Prices, 398

Private ownership, 576

Utilities and, 77 Production, 241

Consumption and, 192 Profit system. 680

An open letter on, 430 Progress, footnote to, 732 Prohibition repeal. Balance-sheet of, 20

Health and, 22 Property, 679

Protection of, 680 Property right to a job, 320 P.R.

City government and, 551

Drawings showing its value, 384, 385

How it works: a campaign story, 386

New Yorkers and, 383 Prosperity, 103, 672 Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of

International Disputes, 704 Psychiatry, value in control of war.

crime, sickness, suicide, 520 Psychology of, workers, 695 Public debt, 597 Public health, 12 Public Health Service, 371 Public housing. See Housing Public Opinion Quarterly, 155 Public ownership, utilities and, 76 Public schools, 280, 479

See also Schools Public welfare, federal budgets and, 676

Personnel, 675

Planning, 674

Rise of, 673

Relief and, 673

I'uMic welfare departments, 165 PWA, housing projects, 79 Puigdollars, Eladia, 460, 462 Pullman porters, 503 Pvmishment, 522

Purdue University, housing research, 378 (with ills.), 382

Quakers, 185. 486 In Spain, 249

R

Race

Books on race relations, 592

Mixture in Honolulu, 610 Rackets, unions and, 259 Radio, 705

Community station, 42 Railroad trainmen, 537 Railroads, airplanes and, 728

Forgotten man of, 729

Labor disputes, mediation. 122. 124

Workers (with ills.), 689-691, 693,

694 Railway Labor Act. 124. 125

Supreme Court and, 134 Rainfall, regions of low (map), 147 Ranches and ranchers, 387 Ratcliff. J. D., 551

Repair vs. relief in West Virginia, 582 Ratcliffc, S. K., 247, 359

That glorious Empire. 368

Two Englands, The, 255 Real estate values, 408 Recovery, 225 Recovery Problem in the United States,

The. 225 Recreation, 707 Red Cross, 463 Regional director, 375 Regional planning, 624 Rehabilitation, West Virginia, 5<V Reich. J. I", 183

Pick-and-shovel holiday, 232 Reid. Paul. 110 Relief, public welfare and. 673

West Virginia, repair vs., 582 Remington Rand strikes, 305 Repeal. See Prohibition repeal Republic Steel, 517, 567, 568 Respectability, 679 Responsibility, public or private?,

478, 479

Restaurant rackets, 259 Reuther. Walter, 688, 719 Review, the (painting), 410 Rhode Island, 15 Richardson, S. W., 583 Richey, O. E., 429 Richmond, Ya., Citizens' Service Exchange, 430

Facing of unemployment, 430

Training for industry, 432 Richmond's Personality, 159 Riis, R. W., Footnote to progress, 732 Rios, Fernando de los, 86

Portrait, 87 Ritter, C. W., 582 River, The (film), lines and photo- graphs from, 629-631 River Rouge plant, 686, 687. 717 Robinson's The Human Comedy, 153,

224 Rochdale society, 137, 138, 139

Roche, Tosephine, 371 Roethlis:berger, F. J., 697 Rogers, H. O., 311

Saving the coal industry, 326 Roosevelt, F. D.. 153, 508, 624

Bonneville Dam and, 626

Chicago speech, 589

Errand boys wanted, 183

Housing and, 1 15

Labor and, 519

Supreme Court and : Observations of

a citizen, 93

Roosevelt, Theodore, 670 Root, Elihu, 363 Rorem, C. R., 70 Ross, D. G.. 264 (portrait), 266 Ross. Mary, 359

How healthy are we?, 371 Rost, Tom, Jr., sketches, 324 Rowland, Howard, 46, 311

Can the CCC blaze a new trail?, 321 Rowntree, B. S., 404 Russia, 398

Girl guides, 234

Sackett, E. B., 247

The schools we keep, 280 Salmon in the Klamath. 624 Salomon, Alice, Exile (with portrait),

500 San Francisco, paintings of the strike

of 1934, 83-85 Savage, J. W., 5S2 Sawyer, M. H. (letter), 249 Sayre, H. D., 305 Sayre, J. X. (le;:;T), 185 Scandinavia, motoring map. 162 Schieffelin, W. J.. 359, 404

P. R. and Xew Yurkers (with por- trait). 383, 551 Schnabel. T. C,.. 270. 272 Schools, Minimum of knowledge, 555 Schools we keep, the, 280 Schorling and McClnskv's Education

and Social Trends, 157 Schwartz, Leon. 6.x Schwimmer, Rosika, 1S4 (letter). 486 Effort to honor, 487 Science, democracy and, 643, 714, 716

In Nazi Germany. 415 Scribner's (magazine), 154 Scudder, V. D. (letter), 404 Scudder's On Tourney, 291 Seabury. Samuel. 384. 385 Seager. H. S.. portrait. 678 Sectional economic research, 192 Self-government, 573

Hawaiian Islands, 583 Self-help cooperatives, 433. 434 Sender's Seven Red Sundays, 443 Sert, J. M., peace mural, 59 Servants of the people, 297, 447, 485.

544

Seven Ages of Man (drawings by Rock- well Kent), 56 Sewing meeting, 695 Sex. insanity and crime, 570

Psychiatry in dealing with offenses,

572

Society and sex offenders. 569 Seybold. Geneva, 183

Dykstra of Cincinnati. 204 Shadid, M. A., 470, 472 (portrait) Shafer, Carol and B. C., 183

Lay-offs with pay, 204 Sharecropper, individual head (draw- ing), 197

Sharecropping, 420 Shaviro, Nathan. .! 1 1

Labor leader: Hillman of the CIO,

338

Shaw, Chief Tustice, 634 Shaw, S. Adele, note and portrait, 617 Shepard's Pedlar's Progress, 287 Sherrill, C. O., 204 Shields, I). I.. 566 Shipping strike, Eastern seamen and the

West (ill.). 389 Shorewood. Wis., 498 Shotwell, T. T. 106 Shull. S. E., (portrait). 65 Shy Guy, 530 Sickness, bills (granh), 71 Poverty and, 373 See also Chronic sickness Siegfried's C'anada. 445 Silone's Bread and Wine. 493 Simpson's. The Ejido, 540 Sinclair's Co-op. 44 Sit-down strikes, 389, 390, 391, 562 Slums, 78

Replaced by new housing (ill.), 665 Smeltermen. Great Falls, 526 Smith, T. H.. 264 (portrait), 265 Smith, J. Russell, 407

Make jobs or perish, 430 Smith, Dr. May. 696 Snow removal. 69 Social insecurity, cartoon, 14 Social insurance, 7 Social legislation, hazards, 736

Ind

e x

vn

Social order, new, 575, 576 Social security, beginning', 7

Congress and, 150

State plans of public assistance

(map), 674 Social Security Act of 1935, 8, 71, ISO

Maximum limits of aid, 167 Social self -consciousness. 706 Social studies, books, 157 Social Work School, Boston, sketch, 530 Socialism, 229, 430

India, 482 Soda fountains, 732

Soil Conservation Service, 148-149, 485 Sokolsky, G. E., on Murphy's labor

policy, 466 Solana, T. Ci.. paintings of traditional

Spain "(ill.), 18, 19 Somers, Frances, 551

Civilizing Hallowe'en, 611 Sorenson, C. E., 687 Sorokin's Social and Cultural

Dynamics, 444 Soul diseases. 331 Soule's The Future of Liberty, 102 South, handicrafts of the Highlands

(with ills.), 580-581 South Africa, 368 Southard, Ernest, 521 Southwest, Indians of, 495 Soviet Union, 345 Spain. 97, 98

Ambassador of, 86

Books on, 443

Children of the Spanish War, 459

Cooperative movement, 393

Hitler and Mussolini and, 392

Refugee children and colonies (with ills.). 458, 463

rSolana's paintings of customs (ills.), 18, 19 Soul of Spain, the, 364 Succor knows no sides, 463 United States aid for, 500 While Spain smolders (verse), 153 Spaniards, character, 365 Spies, labor, 263 Spinach, 404 Spirit of '37 (ill.), 6 Spiritual maladies, ministers and, 330 Sportsmanship, 588, 589 Spring, Farm in (ill.), 250 Springer, Gertrude, 676-d Springfield, Mass., 197 Stage. See Federal Theater; Theater Standards, 297 Stark, Louis, 311

Sit-down, 316 State-ism, 192 States, free trade among, 192

State walls and economic areas, 192 Steel industry, drawings by Sternberg,

560, 561 Essence of the steel strike (of 1937),

516

Steel and the C.I.O., 187 Worker (portrait), 639 Steel workers, 191 Steel Workers Organizing Committee,

187, 188, 191

Sternberg, Harry, drawings, 560, 561 Sterne, Maurice, 632

Memorial in Worcester, 312 Murals, 633, 635 Stevens, Louise, 551

An angry city that did mare than

talk, 583 Stevens, T. W., 617

Westward under Vega (verse), 654 Stewart, Le Conte, 429 Stewart, Sir Malcolm, 258 Stewart, Tucker, and Stetson's The Na- tional Debt and Government Credit, 597

Stirling, Yates, 583 Stockholm, cooperative department store

(ill.), 141

Stoke's Leon Blum, 494 Stone and Fisher's The Rising Tide of

Armament, 22 1 Stout, W. B., 380 Strachey's The Theory and Practice of

Socialism, 229 Strike breaking, 263, 266 Strikes, 389 Hospitals, 435 Lockouts and, 450 Mid-west steel, essence. 516, 543 Pickets and sit-downers (ills.), 120 Sit-down, 316 Six months after, 562 What can we do about strikes?, 121 Strong, A. L., 455

Children of the Spanish War, 459 Strong's Spain in Arms 1937, 443 Strong's The Rise of American Democ- racy, 100

Suffer the little children, 236 Suicide, 520

Summer courses abroad, 300 Sun Goddess, 37 Sunpapers of Baltimore, 442 Supreme Court, 225, 343, 362, 446, 632, 679, 680, 735

Age and vacancies, 94

Books on, 397

Congress and, 88

Justices (ill. and notes), 92

Justices, personal, 136

Kirby cartoon on, 95

Labor cases, 133, 134, 136

Labor Relations Act, 388

Listening in on the Supreme Court, 133

Pearson and Allen's book, 156

Personnel, 92, 93

Presidents' attitudes toward, 95

Roosevelt and : Observations of a citizen, 93

Writers' on, 96 Survey, The, appreciations, 172

Making facts count, 676-d

Origin, 676-a

Pages from scrapbook, 676-a

Pulse of the times, 677

Red Letter issues (ills.), 676-bc

Team play, 619

Survey Associates, Anniversary Dinner and Anniversary Graphic, an- nouncement, 553

Annual statement, 171, 173

Membership and contributions, 177

Officers and account, 176

25th Anniversary, 619 Survey Graphic, condensed statement, 175

Outstanding articles, 174 Sutherland, George, 475 Sweden, 162

Twentieth Century Fund's Facing the

Tax Problem, 251 Twenty-first Amendment, 20

u

Unamuno, 365 Unemployed, sketch, 103 Unemployment, 522

Coal industry, 328

Hazards, 240

Unemployment compensation, 240 Unemployment insurance. Janesville, Wis* working of the state law, 214

Variations, 151 Union Pacific, boosters, 730

Human accomplishment, 730

Modern as a streamliner, 692

Workers, 689 (ill.), 693, 694, 726 Unionism, Steel and, 187 Unions, 43, 388

Hospitals and, 435

Militant union, 29

Unions and the rackets, 259 United Automobile Workers, 718

Ford and, 686, 718, 720 United States, capitalistic democracy, 508

Pictographs of merchant marine, changing class composition, the world and in 1935, cotton planta- tions, 488, 489 U. S. Chamber of Commerce, Filene

and, 16

U. S. Forest Service, 323 U. S. Steel Corp, 187, 191 Urbanization, 663 Urey, H. C, 297 Utilities, 74

Leadership, 74

Private ownership, 77

Public ownership, 76

Taboos, 706

Tafari Makonnen. 267

Tai Mahal (ill.), 593

Tang Tai Tuo,_512, 513 (portrait)

Tannenbaum, Frank, 407

Cardenas — that is the way he is, 425 Tax Policy (publication), 46 Taxes, 218

Face your taxes, 251

Real estate, 408

Sources of U. S. tax revenue (diag.),

253

Tax for democracy!, 421 Undivided profits tax, 424 Taylor, Graham, portrait, 678 Taylor, M. C, 188 Taylor Act, 387 Teachers. Constitution and, 281 Teachers' oaths, 281 Teachers' organizations, 283, 284 Tear gas, companies selling, 306 Technical change, study of, 474 Technological change, 273, 474 Techwood (ill.), 81 Telephones, 707 Tenant-farming, 420 TVA, 145, 398

Power issue and, 71

Seven-star constellation. 624. 625

(map)

Textbooks, 282

Textile factory, mule spinners, 696 Textiles, 346 Theology, 331

These men might sing (-verse), 144 Thomas, E. D., on Murphy's labor

policy, 467

Thomas, Lenore, 618 Thomas, Norman, 5

On Murphy's labor policy, 469 Thomas' Primitive Behavior. 538 Thompson, C. A., 98 Thompson, Dorothy. 55, 184

Reply to letters of criticism, 185 Who wants peace?, 57 Thought, 652

Through neighbors' doorways. 39. 97. 152, 221, 285, 340. 392. 4-10, 486, 533. 588. 702 Tokyo, dormitory of a textile mill (ill.).

35

Tourist Third, 725 Town'send, M. C.. on Murphy's labor

policy. 467 Toynbee Hall, 637 Trade unions. See Unions Trailers, 46, 379, 380, 381 (ills I Transients, 402

Conditions of life. 168 Traveler's notebook, 112. 162. 234. 300,

352, 607. 724

Trevelyan's drey of Fallorlon, 288 Trotzky's The Revolution Betrayed, 345 Tuberculosis. 374 Tucker. Allen, painting (ill.). 410 Twentieth Century Fund, 251 Committee on Taxation. 252

Vacations, mental, 404

Valencia, 459

Valentine, Mary, 66, 68

Valentine, W. A., 65, 66 (portrait), 68

Roadster explosion (ill.), 64 Van Kirk, W. W. (letter), 184 Van Loon, H. W., drawings for Wells'

article, 648, 651, 652 Van Loon's The Arts, 593 Vaquero (drawing), 200 Vega, 654

Venereal disease, 408 Versailles Peace Treaty, 649, 650

Last page (ill.), 58 Victorian period, 695 Vigilantism, 541, 543 Vincent. M. D., on Murphy's labor

policy. 466

Visual dictionary and grammar, 27 Visual economics, 27 Visual education, 25 Visual history. 26 Visualization in practice, 27 Vocational Rehabilitation Service, 447

W

Wagner housing bills, 82 Wald, L. D., 676-d

Tributes paid to (with portrait), 223 Waldman. Louis, 261 Walker, C. R., 3

Militant trade union. A, 29 Walker's American City, 399 Wall builders, 392 Walsh, J. R., 719 Wang. C. T. : Ambassador from China,

509 War, 221, 226, 285, 487, 535, 702, 707

Far East, 533

Menace, 98

Moral equivalent, 325

Omens of disaster, 703

Preparing for the next, 523

Review (ill.). 410

Sport and, 588, 589

Suicidal nature of, 522

United States and, 595 Ward, C. W., 429 Ward, Lynd, 333 Ware, C. E., 157 Waring, J. M. S.. 193 Watson, Frank. 382 Weather, towns and. 69 Weckler, Herman. 264 (portrait) Weintraub. David. 247, 645

Technological change. 273 Weisbord's The Conquest of Power, 492 Wells, H. G., 551. 615. 695

Earth, air and mind, 649

Informative content of education, the.

555 Wells, Nicholas. 503

Shy Guy, 530 Werfel's Twilight of a World, 395

West, the, water and the grazing laws,

387

West Virginia, repair vs. relief, 582 Western New York-Lake Erie, heavy

industry (map), 195 Westward under Vega (verse), 654 Weybright, Victor, 119, 247

It happened in Wilkes-Barre, 63 Unions and the rackets, 259 Valleys, the, and the plains, 145 Wheat, man labor in production, 646 Wheels where cellars were 46 Whipple, K. W., 119

"Your hospital bill is paid," 142 Whipple, Leon, 247, 617 Arches over time, 224 Axis of our future, 590 Dynamo as artist, 42 Escape from dilemmas, 342 Eyes and ears over the world, 442 In defense of both sides, 394 Miracles, 705 Parade of biography, 287 Principle, the sovereignty of, 490 Prophets of war, 99 Volume 1, Number 1, 154 War is people, 535 Whitaker's And Fear Came, 231 White, M. C, 57, 184 White, W. A., 617

How far have we come?. 669 White's Forty Years on Main Street,

601

Whitehead, T. N., 696 Whitehead's Leadership in a Free

Society, 226 Whitlock, Brand, Letters and Journal,

291

Whitney, A. F., 537 Whitney, Jessamine, 373 Whitney's Elizabeth Fry, 292 Whittlesey, W. L., 359

The Constitution at 150, 361 Wile, I. S., 551

Society and sex offenders, 569 Wilkes-Barre, 63, 248

It happened in Wilkes-Barre, 63 Willcox, W. O., 628 Willcox' Can Industry Govern Itself?,

159

Williams, Frankwood, 520--521 Williams, Gerald, 67 Williams, Pierce, 183, 503

Essence of the steel strike, 516 State walls and economic areas, 192 Williams, Whiting, 404 Williams, The Soviets, 398 Williamsburg Houses, 664. 667 (ill.) Willson, Corwin, 379 Winant, J. G., 3

Social security begins, 7 Wind, regions of high velocity (map),

147 Winslow and Zimand's Health Under

the "El," 493 Winston, Ellen, 220 Wisconsin, unemployment insurance,

214 Wolman's Ebb and Flow in Trade

Unionism, 43 Woman's Peace Party, 57 Women, intoxication, 24 Wood, E. E. (letter), 5 Wood, General Leonard, 703 Woodcarving (ills), 276 Woolf's, The Years, 395 Worcester, Mass., memorial to settlers

(ill.), 312 Work, 695 Work camps, 232 Workers, electricity and, 644 Psychology of, 695 Why men work together, 697 Working women. 228 WPA, Industrial changes, study of, 274

Symphony orchestra (ill.), 209 World, brain organization for the mod- ern, 649, .653

Fright in the thirties, 650 Unbalanced world of 1937 (drawing).

648

World Peaceways, 185 WQXR, 42 Wright, G. F., 584 Writers, 605

Yang Ling-fu, poems and paintings.

512-515

Young. Art, 45 Youngstown. Ohio. 565 Youth, highschool sketches, by lames

Daugherty. 699-701 Perversion of. 703

Ximmern and Others' Neutrality and Collective Security, 226

JANUARY 1937

fa

3O cents

O

This Light Can Save

5OOO Lives A Year

And it can save the suffering caused by more than 80,000 unnecessary accidents; it can prevent an annual economic loss of more than $180,000,000 — death, injury, waste that are the result of preventable night accidents. This fearful toll can be stopped by the adequate lighting of the primary highways of the nation.

Already the golden-orange, danger-dissipating light of sodium lamps is lifting the terror that lurks on dark roads. As these lamps illuminate more and more miles of highway, they will save thousands of Americans otherwise doomed to meet injury or death in night accidents. Sodium lamps are among the latest of the many aids to safety to which the General Electric Research Laboratory, in Schenectady, has made important contributions.

But research in light is only one of the many fields in which G-E scientists are helping you. The new manufacturing methods which they have developed have reduced the price you pay for necessities. The new products they have provided have stimulated industry, have created new employment, have raised the living standard of the nation.

G-E research has saved the public from ten to one hundred dollars for every dollar it has earned for General Electric

GENERAL B ELECTRIC

This Plea Should Be Written in Blood —

. . . the blood of tens of thousands who die unnecessary deaths . . . the blood of not only citizen-soldiers who die on the field of battle, but also of women and children who die of bombs, bullets and disease in the streets of Madrid.

The tremendous burden placed upon the medical resources of the Spanish government has made out- side medical aid impera- tive. Thousands of fatal- ities and cases of perma- nent disability have re- sulted from lack of essen- tial medical equipment and personnel. In response to an urgent appeal from the Spanish Government Red Cross, the Medical Bu- reau of the American Friends of Spanish Dem-

MADRID CABLES

"REMIT 2,000,000 UNITS IN- SULIN, TWELVE BLOOD-TRANS- FUSION EQUIPMENTS. 2,000 VIALS DIPHTHERIA ANTITOXIN, 2,000 VIALS TETANUS ANTI- TOCIN, 2,000 VIALS GANGRENE ANTITOXIN, 20 DISINFECTING OVENS, 20 PORTABLE OVENS, ASSORTED SURGICAL INSTRU- MENTS, 50 AUTOMOBILE AM- BULANCES STOP EXTREMELY URGENT NOW PLEASE."

Send funds immediately to:

Medical Bureau AMERICAN FRIENDS OF SPANISH DEMOCRACY

20 Vesey Street New York, N. Y.

The Medical Bureau is assembling an American Ambulance Corps for Spain. Seventy-five doc- tors and nurses have al- ready volunteered. Only four ambulances have been bought to date. More must be purchased, and shipments must reach Ma- drid by January. Tragic- ally enough, your imme- diate contribution does inj deed mean a matter of life or death. Madrid pleads: "America - - send your contributions NOW" to the Medical

ocracy is collecting medical supplies,

and the funds with which to purchase Bureau, American Friends of Spanish

them here for immediate shipment. Democracy, 20 Vesey Street, N. Y. C.

DOCTORS COMMITTEE

Dr. Thomas Addis Dr. George Baehr Dr. E. M. Bluestone Dr. Ernst P. Boas Dr. Walter B. Cannon Dr. Anton J. Carlson Dr. Haven Emerson Dr. Frederic A. Gibbs Dr. Samuel A. Levine Dr. Leopold Lichtwitz Dr. William H. Park Dr. John P. Peters Dr. Bela Schick Dr. Henry E. Sigerist

GENERAL

Bishop Robert L. Paddock (chairman) John Dewey (vice-chairman) Harry Elmer Barnes Stephen Vincent Benet Mrs. Francis Biddle Bruce Bliven Mrs. W. Russell Bowie Eleanor Copenhaver Malcolm Cowley Edward T. Devine Paul Douglas Stephen P. Duggan Sherwood Eddy

COMMITTEE

Frank P. Graham Hubert C. Herring Paul Kellogg Mary Van Kleek Robert Morss Lovett Bishop Francis J. McConnell Lewis Mumford William Allen Nielson Harry A. Overstreet William Pickens George Soule Lillian D. Wald Stephen S. Wise

MEDICAL BUREAU, AMERICAN FRIENDS OF SPANISH DEMOCRACY 20 Vesey Street, New York, N. Y.

I am enclosing $ to help purchase medical supplies and equipment

for Spanish Democracy.

Address Name . City. . . .

State.

SG-12

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JANUARY 1937

CONTENTS

VOL. xxvi No. 1

T Q~J ~J SURVEY GRAPHIC welcomes ^/ J / the New Year with some newness of its own, in page size, cover scheme, the layout of the pages. The edi- tors hope these changes will reinforce their "Happy New Year" to readers by making Cover Design PICTORIAL STATISTICS, INC.

the magazine more attractive to the eye. .

Among Ourselves ; 5

THE range of the Social Security Board's activities under the Act, as well as the ^ SPint of 37 FRONTISPIECE

goals of the Security Act itself, are reviewed e • i e • n • T

(page 7) by John G. Winant, chairman of S°cial Secunty BeSmS JOHN G' WINANT 7

the board. Mr. Winant writes just after Children Wanted . .BEULAH AMIDON 10

the social insurance principle has won its

first round in the U. S. Supreme Court with American Business Man: 1937 Model EDWARD A. FILENE 16

the favorable decision on the New York

State Unemployment Insurance Law; and Traditional Spain PAINTINGS BY JOSE GUTIERREZ SOLANA 18

after the Security Act itself has won its first

brush in the courts, in a Boston case in Balance-Sheet of Repeal H. H. KAY 20

which Federal Judge George C. Sweeney

upheld the right of Congress to levy a tax Visual Education OTTO NEURATH 25

on employers under the unemployment in- ,,. .. TIT

surance title of the Act. Mr. Winant, for- Minneapolis— III .. 29

merly state senator and governor of New D , •„ c \t-\-* T J TT • in

Hampshire and assistant director of the P°rtrait of a Mllltant Trade Umon ' ' ' .CHARLES R. WALKER 29

International Labour Office, was named first The old Fashioned Girl of Modern Japan . . . HELEN MEARS 34

chairman or the Social Security Board when

it was organized in October 1935. A Re- Through Neighbors' Doorways. . 39

publican, he resigned in the late summer

to rally to the Act, when it was under fire The Biggest Human Interest Story JOHN PALMER GAVIT 39

in the political campaign; subsequently re- suming the chairmanship at the urgent Two Hundred Were Chosen FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG 41

request of the President.

Letters and Life 42

EXCEPT for newsboys and bootblacks, you don't often see child workers now- Dynamo as Artist LEON WHIPPLE 42 adays, but employment figures show that child labor is increasing. Beulah Amidon, Human Inventions: 46

industrial editor, brines us abreast of the 1Iri . *,,< ,-, << ,TT .,

juvenile employment tide (page 10), and Wheels Where Cellars Were' •

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Lucius R. EASTMAN, president; JULIAN W. MACK, JOSEPH P. CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, vice-presidents; ANN REED BRENNER, secretary.

PAUL KELLOGG, editor.

VICTOR WEYBRIGHT, managing editor.

MARY Ross, BEULAH AMIDON, ANN REED BRENNER, JOHN PALMER GAVIT, LOULA D. LAS- KER, FLORENCE LOEB KELLOGG, GERTRUDE SPRINGER, associate editors; RUTH A. LERRIGO, HELEN CHAMBERLAIN, assistant editors.

EDWARD T. DEVINE, GRAHAM TAYLOR, HAVEN EMERSON, M.D., LEON WHIPPLE, JOANNA C. COLCORD, RUSSELL H. KURTZ, GUSTAV STOL- PER, R. L. DUFFUS, contributing editors.

MOLLIE CONDON, GEORGE F. HAVELL, circu- lation managers; MARY R. ANDERSON, advertis- ing manager.

of the quarter-century fight to legislate schoolboys and girls out of industry and trade. That fight now reaches its climax, with half the states having ratified the federal amendment, and twelve more to go as the legislatures meet this year.

THE American business man, 1937 model, is described by Edward A. Filene, who is himself an advance model of the merchant. His article (page 16) is important as "Filene speaking," and also as the record of the veritable Greek chorus of individual agreement following his re- cent challenge to the obstructionism of busi- ness organizations.

TALLYING up the general consequences of three years of repeal (page 20) the author, a Washington newspaper man who uses the pseudonym H. H. Kay, wants it understood that his job is a journalist's "trial balance." A large comprehensive study of the social effects of repeal remains to be made, including specific health and employment problems, many of them not yet measurable in their entirety.

OTTO NEURATH, inventor of the sta- tistical little man, needs no introduc- tion to Survey Graphic readers, who were

the first Americans to make his acquaintance. On page 25 Dr. Neurath tells how stand- ardized symbols constitute a basic new language, complete with dictionary and grammar, for conveying profound or simple information to profound or simple minds.

MINNEAPOLIS (the labor and liveli- hood— and social tensions — of which have been depicted in two articles by Charles R. Walker in October and Novem- ber Survey Graphic) is typical of most American cities. But in no other city of the United States has one labor union dom- inated the life of a community as has bellicose Local 544, which Mr. Walker ex- plores in his final article on page 29.

A MACHINE AGE application of the /~\_ most ancient socio-economic pattern in the world is revealed in the word pic- ture of the Japanese woman worker (page 34) by Helen Mears, who recently spent seven months in Japan. Her material about Miss Nippon was gathered by personal visits to the textile mills, talks to govern- ment and management officials, and con- tact with Japan's few labor organizers. Her statistics are taken from the 35th Financial and Economic Annual of Japan, and from Social Aspects of Industrial Development

A Happy New Year

for

MHAT'S a real letter— written by a real Kathryn— to her brother. You can read her happiness in every line. She's mighty glad to have the telephone back.

And so are a great many other men and women these days. About 850,000 new tele- phones have been installed in the past year.

That means more than just having a telephone within reach. It means keeping the family circle unbroken— con- tacts with people — gaiety, sol- ace, friendship. It means greater comfort, security; quick aid in emergency.

Whether it be the grand house on the hill or the cottage in the valley, there's more happiness for everybody when there's a telephone in the home.

The Bell System employs more men and women than any other business organization in the United States. The total is now close to 300,000. Good business for the telephone company is a sign of good business throughout the country.

BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM

I

in Japan, by Fernand Maurette, assistant director of the International Labor Office, published in 1934.

AS the captions and the king depart, .iJL John Palmer Gavit, associate editor for world affairs, devotes his department, Through Neighbors' Doorways, inevitably to Britain. (Page 39)

TO HER comments on Matanuska — in- spired by the play, Two Hundred Were Chosen — Florence Loeb Kellogg, associate editor, brings a fresh memory of Alaska, visited only several months ago in the course of a geographical summer holiday. (Page 41)

ROLLING their own homes, so to speak, the trailer population has be- gun to interest sociologists, local govern- ment officials, safety councils, health and education authorities. The paragraphs on page 46 were collected by the editors of Survey Graphic, nuggets from the latest Americana diggings.

AMONG OURSELVES

Constitutional Crisis

FROM an editorial in the Omaha Morn- ing World-Herald we glean the follow- ing paragraphs:

"There are a good many admirers of the flexibility of the British Constitution as compared with the rigidity of ours. But ours, at least, has this advantage, that under no conceivable combination of circumstances could the romance of a President create a crisis in the government. If there were any possible conception of our Constitution as so intimately touching a private life, the procedure would be somewhat as follows:

"Upon the President's romance becoming known, an objector would ask for an in- junction in one of the inferior courts of the United States, asserting it to be unconsti- tutional for a President to marry an alien divorcee. The injunction would be granted and the case would be appealed a couple of times until it reached the Supreme Court. By a 5-to-4 decision the court might hand down a decision affirming the unconstitu- tionality of such a marriage because the Constitution limits the powers of the Presi- dent to those expressly granted him and there is no express delegation of power to contract such a marriage. The dissenting minority would also present an opinion to the effect that while this power is not specifically granted, it is, nevertheless, per- missible under the common welfare clause and necessary to make good the abolition of the horse and buggy in favor of the gaso- line motor.

"By which time the President would have firmly refused the third cup of coffee and would celebrate the inauguration of his successor by marrying the girl the next day. And the country would spend the next twenty years debating the advisability of an amendment specifically empowering the President to marry whomsoever he might please."

A New Year's Wish

Resolution passed by the board of directors of the National Fed- eration of Settlements, December 6, 1936, on the Constitution and its amendment

T T AT F the states in the union have now •^ ••• adopted the Federal Child Labor Amendment. When twelve more states say yes, the "ayes" will have it. The amend- ment will become part and parcel of the Constitution of the United States, and at last the protection of children from prema- ture work will be grounded in the bedrock of American government.

We urge every settlement in every state that has thus far failed to join in this en- lightened advance, to make the passage of the amendment their first order of business for 1937.

There is no phase of child labor with which the settlements of the country have not come in close touch; news vending, fac- tory work, the beet fields, the mines. We know they are all bad for children. We want the New Year to see these old abuses ended. That boys and girls of tender years have been kept at wage earning during the de- pression, when grown men and women have been unable to find employment, has been one of the most poignant anomalies of the hard times. The National Child Labor Committee reports the spread of child labor in certain sections and in certain industries.

All this has dramatized the existence of that so-called twilight zone in American sovereignty and citizenship where state action falls short of accomplishing so simple and reasonable a thing as the cherishing of childhood; where federal action has been thrown out by decisions of the United States Supreme Court.

The hard times have brought home other vulnerable points in our economic life where the same governmental incompetence seems to exist. This has been true in the case of minimum wage laws, where the verdict of the high court has been that not even a state can act within its own borders. It remains to be seen whether measures to

provide security against unemployment and old age will be sustained; or to protect the right of wage earners to bargain collectively as to the terms of their work.

Out of our experience in the workaday neighborhoods of the United States we know that such protection is needed. This was true when the settlements had their beginnings fifty years ago. It has been in- creasingly true, as our cities have grown and more and more people have been drawn into industrial employment. We know first hand the consequences not only of child la- bor, but of overwork, of underpay, of the hazards of accidents, sickness, unemploy- ment and old age, of the suppression of the right of workers to organize. We favor con- structive laws that will make government a safeguard against evils, a force for health and well being, for social security and for raising the standards of life and labor.

Conscious of the years that have dragged by in the case of the child labor amend- ment, some constitutional lawyers hold out the hope that Congress can free itself to legislate along these lines through its power to regulate the jurisdiction of our federal courts. We welcome the exploration of this and other practical means to deal with the situation. But they may fail, and as the sound, long run method, we favor a con- stitutional amendment to make assurance doubly sure that the bottom has not dropped out of our American scheme of government in dealing with social and eco- nomic needs.

The Constitution of the United States itself underscores the general welfare as a goal of government. Some of our ablest jurists on the Supreme bench have in min- ority opinions broken with the negative decisions of the majority. These things encourage us to feel that what we know to be good sense may yet become good law.

Housing and Relief

To THE EDITOR: Replying to my Hands of Esau, the Committee for Economic Re- covery protest my rating "contrary to fact" their statement that in England "the most recent legislation adopts the rental subsidy plan." In support, they cite five sections from the 1935 and 1936 British Housing Acts. By looking up the references the reader will find the British national hous- ing subsidy to be just what I said it was — a fixed annual grant for a pre-determined number of years, the highest rate being for re-housing on expensive sites.

The committee repeats that public hous- ing is charity and insists that those be served first who need it most. No one de- nies that destitute families must have shel- ter in addition to food and clothing, but honesty requires that the bill be charged to relief and not to housing. The committee advised blank checks for relief agencies to fill in and taxpayers to pay and calls the re- sult public housing. You can drown a cat in molasses as thoroughly as in anything else.

I agree with the committee in one re- spect: "It is high time we eliminate sub- terfuge and bunk from this whole problem of housing." EDITH ELMER WOOD

An Heirloom from the Future

TO a recent dinner in honor of Norman Thomas, Survey Graphic's neighbor around the corner from Gramercy Park, Paul Kellogg, as spokesman for the editors, sent a message here in part reprinted: "I like to think of Norman Thomas as a friend and as the creative force he is in these times of change. . . . We may agree with him here, break with him there, but inescapably we think of him as a dynamic force in our times. Yet always the friend and his likable parts showing through. A socialized friendship it has become, if you will, warming and personifying his leader- ship for the many; but also, to those who are especially fortunate, what we like to look at as one of our choicest private pos- sessions— an heirloom of living spirit com- ing down to us from the future."

Triangle

THE SPIRIT OF '37

SURVEY GRAPHIC

JANUARY 1937

VOL. XXVI NO. 1

Social Security Begins

by JOHN G. WINANT

Facing ahead, Chairman Winant takes stock of Social Secur- ity; what will be held to; what will be changed; what will be built upon to make security a reality in America

PAUL REVERE, master-engraver of Boston, with a few journeymen working in his shop, was an important employer in the Massachusetts of his day. The change which has taken place in industry in the interim is sym- bolized by the Revere Brass and Copper Company, whose nucleus was Paul Revere's little handicraft shop in Boston, and which now employs several hundred persons in a highly mechanized establishment.

In Revere's day the hazards of old age were mostly physical, the results of sickness or accident, failing eye- sight or hearing — all natural impairments of the human machine. The farmer generally worked to an advanced age, and the urban laborer worked as long as his hand and eye kept their sureness. There was no machine to set the pace for him and no age deadline to put him aside while he was in the prime of this productiveness.

There was no need for social insurance in those early days of the Republic. Security depended on the indi- vidual's own efforts. Unemployment, as we know it now, was non-existent. Poverty was a very relative term and was generally born of shiftlessness. Land was cheap and plentiful. The worker owned his own tools and in a young and fast-growing society there was nearly always a market for his services and the product of his handi- craft. He was generally his own boss and an employer with a half dozen employes was in "big business." Thus, in those days the common man was master of his own fate to a degree unknown in this present generation. He could expect none of the extras that make up our present high standard of living; on the other hand, he could expect, when he was old, to have a roof over his head, clothing, a shed full of firewood, and a cupboard full of plain but substantial food. And as long as he needed work, it was to be had. To such a man "social insurance" would have been as strange a concept as television.

That period in our history is over. The technician has brought about a veritable economic revolution which has altered fundamentally the status of the average American. Most of our population are wage earners, living in urban areas, working for corporations whose owners are strangers to them. Some of these corporations have more employes than New York or Boston had in- habitants in 1800. The resources of some of them are greater than the combined wealth of the nation at its beginning. The worker is no longer a free agent, who can provide for his own security by his own initiative. He counts for little against the gigantic and impersonal forces that surround him, the fierce play of industrial competition, the might and speed of machines that dwarf his single manpower into insignificance, the lack of balance between industry's capacity to produce and the public's capacity to consume. No matter what dili- gence and foresight and thrift he may show, the chances are against his being able to accumulate a competence adequate for his old age. Three quarters of those who live to be sixty-five today are dependent on others for the necessities of life. To live he must be employed. Yet employment is a precarious thing. It may be lost through no fault of his own, but because of some temporary mal- adjustment in the business cycle. His working life is liable to be hedged about by insecurity and his future clouded with uncertainty and fear. For him social insur- ance is a real and pressing necessity.

Many social-minded persons have long recognized the need for protection against the incidences of an economic system that unwittingly takes so heavy a toll of human welfare. Enlightened employers have attempted to safe- guard their employes against these incidences by means of company pension plans. But the problem has outgrown the ability of private industry to cope with it. Meanwhile,

others — a steadily decreasing number — have believed that unemployment and insecurity were natural visita- tions, like war and plague. They have preferred to mud- dle along in their individualistic way, leaving the casual- ties of the system to care for themselves as best they might.

The depression which began with the stock market crash in 1929 brought the problem to the consciousness of the American people. It had become clear that the task belonged to government. It could no longer be left to private organizations and local interests. It was a national job and demanded action by the national government in cooperation with the states and local governments. Out of that realization grew the Social Security Act of 1935. My observations while working for the International Labour Organization have convinced me of the value of drawing on world experience in social insurance legisla- tion. After all, we borrow the achievements of other peo- ple in science and the arts, as they borrow ours. There is a common pool of useful knowledge that is the heritage of all mankind. No longer can a nation live in a water- tight compartment of isolation, and each should be free to tap this common fund of world experience for the benefit of its people. It is the narrowest nationalism that would refuse to avail itself of the lessons of other peoples merely because they were foreigners.

Europe was the pioneer in legislation of this kind. The field for the exercise of individual initiative and oppor- tunities for self-advancement was less than in this coun- try, and the citizen was more circumscribed in his work- ing life by tradition and custom. The movement for public insurance against the major hazards of life first took statutory form in Germany in the eighties of the past century. All the other countries of Europe have fol- lowed suit in varying degrees. So have several Latin- American nations. The types of social insurance provided and the cost and extent of coverage differ considerably. But all have accepted the principle of the responsibility of the state for assuring some measure of security to their citizens. In most countries social insurance has become an established part of the national life and no one longer questions its justification. The distress that comes from prolonged unemployment and indigent old age knows no frontiers, and there is much in the experience of Eu- rope from which we can profit.

Our Social Security Act

WE HAVE NO APOLOGIES to make for the Social Security Act. Yet we who have to do with the administration of the law are as aware of its imperfections as the most searching critic on the outside. No one assumes that this Act is the final word in social insurance. For, since so- ciety is a growing organism, there can never be any finality in the treatment of its problems. What the pres- ent law does represent is a sincere effort to reconcile the divergent views of a large number of thoughtful and public spirited men and women who cared enough to do something about present insecurity. Though all agreed on the basic principle of social insurance, there were nat- ural differences of opinion as to the means and technique to be used in attaining the ends on which there was common agreement. The framers of the law were also compelled to take account of certain fundamental cleav-

8

ages in American political and social philosophies. This involved an attempt to strike a working balance between the proper claims of the federal government and of the states. Some of the devices used for this purpose may appear awkward and unduly complex to the layman, but in such cases the dilemma offered to Congress was not of a kind that could be met by a simple solution. Where such issues arose, every effort was made to give the states the maximum of control consistent with effi- ciency of operation and a constitutional division of pow- ers. Where there were doubts as to the wisdom of delegating certain responsibilities to the states, it was felt that public consciousness within the states would rise to the occasion and meet the responsibility. It was recog- nized that the state governments are closer to the imme- diate problems envisaged by the law than is Washington, so that as much localization of authority as possible and practical was developed within state jurisdiction. It was also felt that the stimulus of public opinion would tend to level upward the differences between the more ad- vanced states and those which still lagged in social legislation. Differentials giving advantage to states that disregard human welfare were wiped out in the categories covered under the Act.

In the allocation of responsibility as between the fed- eral government and the states the provision for old age benefits was reserved to the central authority. No sound actuarial base, with a compensating tax area, could be devised on state lines. Also, given the migratory charac- ter of American labor any other solution would have been impracticable. The individual's employment and earnings record, on the basis of which his retirement benefits are eventually computed, must follow him wher- ever he goes, regardless of state lines.

On the other hand, unemployment compensation pre- sented a different problem. Whereas the old age benefit phase of the law involves the individual's whole working life, the unemployment compensation provision is only concerned with the interruptions to his normal employ- ment. While these gaps in his working life may vary greatly in duration, and consequently in the distress which they entail, they are at worst temporary. As such, they are liable to be attended with much less interstate

8,000.000

7,000.000

0 6,000,000

5,000,000

4,000,000

• 3,OOO,OOO

g 2,000.000

1,000,000 „

I860 1870 I860 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940

Number of Americans aged sixty-five and over, 1860 to 1936

SURVEY GRAPHIC

movement of workers than the individual's long time employment history covered by the old age benefit section of the law. Thus, the man who is jobless ordinarily re- mains in the state where he had been employed until his chances of finding reemployment therein appear exhaust- ed. This fact tends to simplify the problem of placing responsibility for care of the unemployed. Also, since the rate of unemployment is liable to vary considerably from state to state, those states with a low ratio of unemploy- ment might well object to being penalized on behalf of other states whose industries showed less stability. There is still much room for controversy in the field of unem- ployment compensation, and the arrangement whereby each state is permitted to frame its own law making experimentation possible. Out of these forty-eight labora- tories of legislation there should eventually come much experience of common value to all the states. This should tend to reduce the diversity in treating a problem whose human incidences are, after all, the same.

In the so-called welfare phases of the Social Security Act, the burden of responsibility is again placed on the states. Using an old device of American legislation, the

1 6- 1 %

100

ALL OTHER OCCUPATIONS

1920

1930

Occupational groups of gainfully occupied over sixteen, 1870-1930

federal government contributes to the support of the state programs with grants-in-aid, while at the same time it sets certain standards of accomplishment as conditions for the allocation of federal funds. These features of the law include old age assistance for the support of those who cannot qualify under the old age benefit section of the Act, aid to mothers of dependent children, aid to the blind, and the provisions for the assistance of other han- dicapped groups. Thus, when the total reckoning is made, it must be recognized that the Social Security Act has shown every consideration for the local interests and leg- islative autonomy of the states, even though in certain instances more effective and uniform treatment of the particular problem might have been obtained by larger exercise of federal authority.

The Act makes specific provision for the possibility of future amendments. A legislative program of such mag- nitude cannot be expected to have attained initial perfec- tion. Time and experience will expose the defects that must inevitably develop in its operation. It will be better

30

1890-1900 1900-1910 1910-1920 1920-1930

Percentages of increase over ten-year periods, in number of older persons (sixty and over) and youths (nineteen and under)

if such changes as may be made in the law in the future should come as the result of impartial observation of its working, rather than that they be dictated by untried theory or the pressure of interested minorities.

We are now setting up the organization necessary for servicing the beneficiaries of the Act. Most of that organi- zation will necessarily be required to staff our field offices, which will be located in all large population centers for the greater convenience of those affected by the operation of the law. It will be some time before the field force required to administer a program of this magnitude functions with the smoothness and effectiveness that we would desire. Meanwhile we hope the public will bear with us and understand that our only concern is to give it service that will be efficient, prompt and considerate.

One of our largest tasks is to inform the public as to its privileges and obligations under the law. In this effort we must depend, not only on our own Informational Ser- vice, but on the cooperation of the press and the radio, which has been given so generously throughout the enumeration period. Above all, we hope the employers of the country will enter into partnership with us in this vast job of informing their employes of the details of the program. We cannot reach each man and woman indi- vidually. We can expect only to acquaint the millions of eligible workers with the terms of the Act, if we utilize wisely every available medium of public education.

WE FEEL UNDER no compulsion to defend the basic philosophy of the Social Security Act. We feel we have a right to believe that the vast majority of the American people have already accepted the principle of social in- surance as an obligation of government. We believe that our future problem will be one of extending the cover- age of the Act and of improving the technique of its operation. If any achievement of the present administra- tion deserved immunity as a campaign issue, it was the Social Security Act. This law was not a partisan measure. It was passed by an overwhelming majority of both parties in Congress. The roll call showed no line-up of Democrats on one side and Republicans on the other. It had the support of both. It is rather the product of a people's government, honestly endeavoring to mitigate some of the most grievous faults of our national life.

JANUARY 1937

Photographs: courtesy, National Child Labor Committee

Children Wanted

Small boys worked all night in the glass factories in 1911

by BEULAH AMIDON

"Man is the only animal that lives on its young," was the bitter comment of an educator who saw children taken out of school to go to work. Here is the record of increasing child labor since the NRA codes ended — and the hope of child protection if twelve states ratify the federal amendment in 1937

BACK IN 1932, Helen's father, who worked in a cotton garment factory, was laid off "because of hard times." Helen, aged thirteen, the eldest of five children, stopped school and got a job in the factory. Her wage was $2.50 for a fifty-hour week. She tried to keep up her school work at night. After the NRA underwear code went into effect, the factory hands under sixteen years of age were let out, Helen's father was taken on again, and Helen went back to school. But the code did not last long. It ceased to function when the U. S. Supreme Court declared the Recovery Act unconstitutional. Within a few months the factory laid off many of its adult workers, Helen's father among them. Helen, now fifteen years old and a high school sophomore, again put aside her books to become a wage earner. When Helen was interviewed in the course of a survey in April 1936, she was working a fifty-two-hour week for $4.15, just under 8 cents an hour. A younger brother and sister were also working. Her father was still unemployed.

"I don't expect I'll ever get back to school," she said.

Helen, and the thousands of children like her who were swept back into manufacturing and trade after the Schechter decision, will probably be front page news in the months ahead. Nineteen state legislatures are meet- ing this year. Twenty-four states have ratified the child labor amendment; if twelve more act — and act favorably — the amendment will be a part of the Constitution, con- ferring upon Congress the power, which the Supreme Court has ruled it now lacks, to safeguard young workers.

The NRA code period was the first time in this coun- try that child labor figures went down while employ- ment figures rose. That is, the child labor curve failed to follow the general employment trend. But since the spring of 1935 (the end of the codes) child labor has sharply increased. The U. S. Children's Bureau has comparable data for the first five months of 1936 and the same months in 1935, when the codes were still effective. These figures cover ten states, the District of

10

Also, twenty-five years ago these breaker boys worked for a Pennsylvania coal company

Columbia and ninety-eight cities in other states. (In none of these have there been changes in child labor regulations — local or state — between the two periods.) They show an increase of more than 150 percent in the number of fourteen and fifteen- year-olds taking out their first working papers. In the last seven months of 1935, after the codes were outlawed, 55 percent more children left school for jobs than during the entire twelve months of 1934. In New York City, the number of children, four- teen and fifteen years of age who got employment certificates in the first five months of 1936 was 200.1 percent higher than in the corresponding months of 1935, a jump from 1485 to 4462. Such figures are meaningless unless you see behind them the long procession of girls and boys who, like Helen, stopped school to take the low paid, dead end jobs available to untrained young workers.

What used to be called the "sweated industries," typically operated in small units with limited cap- ital, are chiefly responsible for the current increase in child labor. In sections of such industries as the needle trades, the paper box industry, canning, laundry, and so on, labor standards have always been precarious. With a relatively large proportion of sub- standard employers and "shoe string" enterprises, they produced the most flagrant examples of exploitation in the trough of the depression. [See Survey Graphic, February 1933, page 75.] In these same areas labor stand- ards have sagged since the codes ceased to support them. There are geographical as well as industrial areas where labor standards have been notoriously low, and where children have never had the protection of ade- quately enforced compulsory education laws. Thus a recent survey by the National Child Labor Committee brought out a grim story of exploitation from the "piney woods" of South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi and Louisiana. The study covered not only the woods where trees are tapped for turpentine or cut for lumber, but also local plants making crates, barrels and wooden baskets. Child labor is the rule in turpentine camps. Boys, and a few girls, ten to fourteen years old, work as "chippers," scarring the trees, and setting pans to catch the gum, and as "dippers," collecting the gum. Wages seldom run as high as 8 cents an hour — 3 to 5 cents is much more usual. A twelve-hour day is the rule. Many of these children are illiterate, few, if any, have gone beyond the primary grades. School is a luxury for all of them. Youngsters who spend their early years as "chip- pers" or "dippers" are usually hired with their fathers in getting out timber when they are thirteen or fourteen years old. The work is heavy. In hauling, a man and two boys can earn about $2.50 a day— less than 20 cents an hour for all three. The rates are about the same for work on poles and piling— topping and trimming felled trees, and removing the bark, often handling forty to seventy-foot logs.

In basket, crate, barrel and veneer factories, a boy at twelve may be a machine helper, and an operator at fourteen. The working day is supposesd to be ten hours long, but in a rush reason in a one industry town, "sun-up to sun-down" is usually the rule. For a child, 75 cents a day is "top." The usual wage is 50 to 60 cents in an industry where the piece rate is set to hold down a

speedy, experienced man to $2 a day. Starting with strawberry crates in February and continuing with spinach and bean hampers, tomato crates, corn and banana carriers and potato barrels these factories run eight to eleven months a year. Stapling, wire stitching and cutting machines are their chief equipment. Fre- quently the machines are not properly guarded. At their best, they are not fit for the small hands, limited strength and childish irresponsibility of young workers. There are no accident figures. Until last year, South Carolina and Florida did not have workmen's compensation laws, and there is none yet in Mississippi. But children in these plants are in constant danger as are the young workers in the sawmills in the same area. Here belt and saw guards are generally considered "too expensive," and maiming is all too fre- quent among the boys

hired as "regular hands,"

as well as among the

youngsters who some- times help on clean-up

jobs. The use of children as

cheap labor is an ugly

chapter in the machine

age story. Early in the

nineteenth century, girls

and boys seven, eight

and nine years old went

as full time workers into

the dusty cotton mills.

In 1820, according to the

Digest of Manufactures

of that year, children

made up 43 percent of

the labor force in Massa- chusetts, 47 percent in

Connecticut, 55 percent

in Rhode Island. It was

not the health hazard

but the question of

.'£.

And in 1910 this Vermont girl was a full time employe in a cotton mill

i •

Today, turpentine, a "remote" industry, employs children

schooling, which finally turned public attention to the working children. One state after another passed compulsory edu- cation laws. Then came regulation of hours. Massachusetts led the way in 1842 with a ten- hour day for children under twelve years of age, and Connecticut went a step further with a ten-hour day for chil- dren under fourteen.

Laws setting a mini- mum age for employ- ment came later, because it meant limiting this cheap labor supply.

Under Quaker leadership, Pennsylvania passed the first minimum age law in 1848, barring children from fac- tories until they were twelve years old, and raising the age to thirteen the next year. In 1853, Rhode Island set twelve years as the minimum for factory work; three years later, Connecticut prohibited the employment of children under nine. It was not until 1866 that Massa- chusetts set a minimum age for child workers. Its law decreed that children under ten must not work in fac- tories or mills.

But child labor increased as industry developed. The 1900 census showed more than a million and a quarter young wage earners helping turn the wheels of American industry and trade. In 1904 the National Child Labor Committee was formed to lead an organized campaign for laws to protect children in the various states. Pro- gress was slow. But though little was accomplished at the start in the way of protective legislation, an important task of public education was begun. Comfortable people were made aware of the plight of the grimy "breaker boys" in the coal mines, hundreds of seven and eight- year-olds among them; of youngsters in the heat of the glass factories, the dampness of the hemp mills and the canneries; of the boys and girls crippled for life by the machines they tended; of children getting up before dawn to go to the cotton mills — long lines of little figures

in dim village streets,

them bowed moving, al-

many of and slow ready old.

As a result of local and national effort, state legislation had spread by the time we went into the War, but its unevenness and the great areas left un- touched led to the drive for federal action.

The first federal child labor law was passed in 1916. It prohibited the shipment in interstate commerce of goods pro-

These work

girls, aged ten and n the Colorado beet

duced in mines and quarries in which children under sixteen years of age were employed; or in mills, can- neries, workshops in which children under fourteen were employed, or in which children aged fourteen to sixteen worked more than eight hours a day or six days a week or between 7 p.m. and 6 a.m. The law went into effect September 1, 1917. Less than a year later it was declared unconstitutional by a five-to-four decision of the U. S. Supreme Court, on the ground that it transcended "the authority delegated to Congress over commerce," and interfered with states' rights. Justice Holmes, dissenting, held that "the act does not meddle with anything belong- ing to the states," and added that "if there is any matter upon which civilized countries have agreed ... it is the evil of premature and excessive child labor."

A year later another attempt was made by Congress to regulate child labor, this time under a law levying a tax on the profits of all mines and manufacturing establish- ments failing to maintain the minimum standards set up in the 1916 measure. The Supreme Court, by an eight- to-one decision, held that the act was invalid.

The Amendment is Proposed

Six YEARS after the first of these child labor decisions, a Scripps-Howard reporter interviewed Reuben Dagen- hart of Charlotte, N. C., the boy whose "constitutional right to work" overthrew the law which sought to cut his hours of labor as a fourteen-year-old, from twelve to eight a day. "What benefit did you get out of the suit which you won in the United States Supreme Court?" the reporter asked.

"You mean the suit the Fidelity Manufacturing Com- pany [his employer] won? I don't see that I got any benefit. I guess I'd been a lot better off if they hadn't won it. Look at me! A hundred and five pounds, a grown man and no education. I may be mistaken, but I think the years I've put in the cotton mills stunted my growth. They kept me from getting any schooling. I had to stop school after the third grade and now I need the education I didn't get. . . . But I know one thing, I ain't going to let them put my kid sister in the mill."

Before the law of 1917 was declared unconstitutional it had done much to protect the health and the right to education of thousands of children who were not safe- guarded by state laws. None of the many agencies which had supported the federal measures was willing to accept defeat and let the children pay the price. The only pos- sibility seemed the long, slow process of constitutional amendment. The proposed amendment reads: SECTION 1. The Congress shall have the power to limit, reg- ulate and prohibit the labor of persons under eighteen years of age.

SECTION 2. The power of the several states is unimpaired by this article except that the operation of state laws shall be suspended to the extent necessary to give effect to legislation enacted by the Congress.

With the endorsement of all political parties, this meas- ure was passed by Congress in 1924, with heavy majori- ties in both houses. Prior to 1933, only six of the neces- sary thirty-six states had ratified. The successful cam- paign of opposition was led, according to its own admis- sion, by the National Association of Manufacturers.

With the onset of the depression, there was mounting dismay over the breakdown of labor standards, the

twelve fields

return of the sweatshop, the increasing numbers of chil- dren at work while millions of men and women were unable to get jobs. The situation was pictured in a widely reprinted cartoon from Judge, showing a small boy going off with his dinner pail, while his unemployed parents look after him with humiliation and grief. The caption read, "He got his father's job." There was a wave of interest in the federal child labor amendment and in 1933, fourteen states ratified, including the indus- trial strongholds of Illinois, Pennsylvania, Michigan and New Jersey.

Under the Recovery Act Codes

OF THE 552 approved NRA codes, only fourteen had exceptions permitting the employment of children under sixteen in industry or trade. (The fourteen exceptions covered a group of retail trades where children could work three hours a day outside school hours; motion pictures; radio and broadcasting; newspaper and peri- odical publishing.) The child labor provisions had the backing of public opinion and were well enforced. They took at least 100,000 children out of industry. When the Pennsylvania Department of Labor and Industry made a survey of the cotton garment industry in 1934, it found "only two children under sixteen years ... at work out of 12,000 employes; and this in an industry where one worker in every twenty-five was under six- teen in 1932." Pennsylvania's experience was typical of what happened in every industrial area. During the last four months of 1933, not a single child in Alabama took out working papers for industrial employment; the same thing was true of twenty-seven cities reporting to the U. S. Children's Bureau, including Fall River and New Bedford, Mass., both important textile towns; Jersey City, Camden and Hoboken, N. J.; Buffalo, N. Y.; and Allentown, Pa., where, a few months earlier the strike of hundreds of "baby-shirtmakers" had drawn attention to the boys and girls working long hours at sweatshop wages in jobs opened by "letting out" adult employes.

The common acceptance of the child labor prohibition by employers and the general public continued to influ- ence employment policies, even after the legal barrier was removed. Many industries assumed responsibility for holding certain gains made in the code period. For example, Massachusetts textile manufacturers entered into an agreement last spring under which no mill will take workers under sixteen years of age. As a result of this agreement, the press reported, 1600 children were laid off, and their places filled by older workers.

So far, code standards in regard to child labor seem to have been quite generally maintained in the southern textile industry, though without formal action by the owners. This is probably due in part to nation-wide criticism of the former child labor policies of southern textile employers, and in part to the fear of more strin- gent legislation. But it is significant that so far every attempt to secure ratification of the amendment by a southern legislature has met well organized and success- ful opposition. This opposition sometimes reaches into other states. For example, when the amendment was before the Nebraska legislature, in 1935, the legislators received printed material mailed in Charlotte, N. C., warning them according to The Norfolk (Neb.) News, that Congress, if given the power, would probably make

In the "street trades" five-year-olds often work

it a crime for mother to

send Johnny out to the

shed for a basket of

cobs. But in spite of

the NRA experience and

the honest desire of

many employers to

maintain code stand- ards, the lack of uni- form child labor provi- sions over the country

means that the just

employer is called on to

meet the competition of

the employer willing to

exploit the young and

inexperienced. Since 1933, there have

been few changes in state legislation. In some

instances, compulsory

education laws have

been tightened in re- quirements and in ad- ministration. Four important industrial states — New York, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Rhode Island — have been added to the three states which had previously passed laws setting a sixteen-year minimum for work during school hours. But the inadequacy of state reg- ulation of child labor is shown by such facts as these: nine states, through exemptions in their laws, still permit children under fourteen to work in industry during school hours; seven states permit children between four- teen and sixteen years of age to work nine to eleven hours a day; ten states allow children in this age group to work until 8 p.m. or later; thirty-two states have prac- tically no regulation of the employment in hazardous occupations of sixteen and seventeen-year-old girls and boys.

Since 1933, also, only four state legislatures have rati- fied the child labor amendment. Well organized oppo- sition has developed in state after state and succeeded, as it did, for example, in New York last winter, in block- ing a vote on ratification. In other states, powerful lob- bies worked to roll up an unfavorable vote.

It is interesting to analyze the sources of opposition to this constitutional amendment permitting Congress to enact legislation protecting young workers. Some oppo- nents sincerely be- lieve that it is an invasion of states' rights, or that it deals with matters outside the proper sphere of govern- ment. But, as Mayor La Guardia of New York said at a child labor hearing in the 1935 legislature, "It is not the constitu- tionality of the amendment which

Typical of today's youthful sweat- shop workers, a 1930 dress operator

is chiefly opposed; it is the economics of the amend- ment." The most determined opponents of ratification are those who profit from child labor, and those who, like the utility groups, fear a precedent for federal con- trol. Their methods are often skillful and unscrupulous. They misrepresent the scope and purpose of the pro- posed amendment and of the type of legislation it would make possible. Thus, many Catholic groups have been led to believe that the child labor amendment means fed- eral regulation of education and the possible abolition of parochial schools. And in spite of the fact that Cardinal Gibbons was one of the organizers of the National Child Labor Committee, that today there is an active Catholic Citizens Committee for Ratification, headed by Frank P. Walsh and including distinguished priests, lawyers, edu- cators and labor and civic leaders in its membership, the Catholic attitude has been the decisive factor in some states in preventing ratification.

Opposition to the Amendment

A NATIONAL COMMITTEE for the Protection of Child, Family, School and Church, was organized in 1934, its executive committee interlocking with the discredited Sentinels of the Republic. It helped broadcast propa- ganda to the effect that the child labor amendment meant interference with the family and with tasks as- signed by parents to their children around the house or on the farm.

But back of this campaign of misrepresentation play- ing on old loyalties and fears, creating doubt and mis- understanding, are employers who find child labor prof- itable. They are the newspaper and magazine publishers, contractors who give out industrial homework, and fac- tory owners, notably in the needle trades.

Among the most determined opponents of the child labor amendment are the newspaper publishers. The newspapers have always enjoyed a cheap circulation sys-

Batchelor in the N. Y. News The kiddie kar will have to get out of the way

Cassel in the Brooklyn Daily Eagle Social Insecurity

tem, based on child labor. The publishers successfully resisted amendments to their code strengthening the pro- visions regulating child labor in the sale and delivery of papers. These additions to the code would have set a fourteen-year minimum for newsboys, an eighteen-year minimum for girls, with an exemption in favor of boys of twelve already employed. They would have forbidden work before 6 a.m. and late in the evening for boys under sixteen; and required badges issued by a public agency under the U. S. Department of Labor for children in the newspaper trade. At a code hearing circulation man- agers testified that boys were "no good" for newspaper distribution after the age of fourteen because they "be- came interested in girls." Under questioning, that was repeatedly broken down into an admission that the older boys were not attracted by the low rates of pay.

Though the publishers of newspapers and magazines claimed that experience as a "little merchant" is health- ful and educational, considerable evidence was offered to show that this form of child labor, like so many others, is to the advantage of the employer rather than of the young employe. The National Child Labor Committee presented grim testimony at the code hearing on accidents to newsboys. Since most publishers carefully give their young agents the status of "independent merchants" not employes, the children are seldom covered by state work- men's compensation laws. Or, as the Central States' Cir- culation Managers Association recently put it, "the inde- pendent merchant pays for his injuries and injuries to others through his own negligence."

The letter sent by Warden Lewis E. Lawes of Sing Sing Prison to the code hearing is still eloquent:

It has often been said that some of our finest citizens have made their start in life through selling newspapers. In my opinion, these same men had sufficient character, even in their boyhood, to withstand the hard knocks, the tempta- tions and the bad associations that are a definite part of the life of a newsboy, especially in the metropolitan districts and the larger cities. These citizens would have risen to their eminence had they begun their climb up the ladder from the workshop of any other industry. Recently I had a census

SURVEY GRAPHIC

taken here in Sing Sing to determine the number of inmates who had sold newspapers in their youth. The examination showed that of the 2300 men, over 69 percent had done so.

When the codes were knocked out, the publishers, with a few such notable exceptions as the Scripps- Howard papers, J. David Stern of the Philadelphia Record and New York Post, Jonathan Daniels of the Raleigh (N. C.) News and Observer, and the late Mar- len Pew of Editor and Publisher, concentrated their attention on blocking the child labor amendment.

At the beginning of the 1934 legislative sessions, a newspaper publisher warned a friend of the child labor amendment, "Now you're going to see a fight. What we've done before was just a drop in the bucket." So far, the anti-ratification campaign to "stop the amend- ment" has been successful. Last year, five legislatures considered ratification and all five rejected it.

A national poll by the American Institute of Public Opinion in May 1936, returned a six-to-four vote in favor of the regulation of child labor by Congress. In this poll, the child labor amendment carried every state ex- cept South Dakota, Kansas and Maryland. All ten of the largest cities in the country favored it. Even the southern states, presumably the stronghold of states' rights and of child labor, returned decisive majorities for the amendment. The four reasons most frequently cited by those voting "yes" were: "Children under eighteen should all be in school, not out working. There's plenty of time for that later." "It will help solve unemployment by providing more jobs for older people who need work most." "We must protect our children. They can't stand shop work. It ruins their health." "Child labor is a national problem and Congress is most capable of handling it."

ALABAMA AND RHODE ISLAND are the only states in the union which have taken no action on the child labor amendment. The rest of the states which have not rati- fied have rejected the amendment. They all have the right to reconsider, as a number of the states now in the "ratified" column have already done.

Helen who works in the underwear factory is now seventeen years old. Even if the amendment were rati- fied this winter, as it may be if favorable public opinion is sufficiently articulate, she and thousands of her young fellow workers are above the age limit of any legislation likely to result; and no legislation, however enlightened its standards, could give back to them their lost school years.

But the amendment would make possible a federal child labor law which could release other thousands of younger workers from mills and factories, from turpen- tine camps and sugar beet fields, from messenger service and paper routes, from restaurants and stores. It could not restore the young victims of industrial accident, but it could prevent the sacrifice of life and limb which results each working day from letting inexperienced youth try to handle complex or improperly guarded machinery in factories, lumber mills, meat markets, garages, mines, quarries. It could remove children from a crowded labor market, and open up employment op- portunities for their unemployed elders. It could save wage standards from the threat of the cheap labor of the young and inexperienced.

John Dewey, philosopher and educator, has said, "What the wisest and best parent wants for his own child, that must the community want for all its chil- dren." To write into the Constitution the child labor amendment would be a step toward that civilized goal.

CHI Ratified

•i Not yet ratified

U.S. Children's Bureau

Ratification by twelve more states will make the amendment part of the Constitution

JANUARY 1937

15

American Business Man: 1937 Model

by EDWARD A. FILENE

Mr. Filene discovers that he is not a lone insurgent. All over the country he finds the 1937 business man (in contrast to most of his business organiza- tions) willing to meet the new times with ideas shaped by research and con- sumer demand

THE MINDS OF AMERICAN BUSINESS MEN are changing, and changing rapidly. To understand the nature of the change which is taking place, however, we must not assume that it began with the recent election, nor with the New Deal, not even with the depression which had made some kind of new deal necessary. The thought of American business began to move noticeably even before the World War.

None the less, at the present time, if one wants to dis- cover the real mind of American business men, the very last place to look for information is to the resolutions and pronouncements of our business organizations. To charge that an organization does not reflect the senti- ment of its members may seem to many irrational. If we study the facts, however, we must see that the minds of people regularly change some time before the change is recognized officially.

What is known as the Modernist movement in our churches, for example, seemed to blaze out suddenly in 1920 or 1921. It took some years, however, for the great body of church members in America to discover that they had become modernist in their viewpoint, and that this was so many years before they ever realized that it was out of harmony with their traditional views. The modernist leaders, whose arguments at first had seemed so shocking, were simply articulating this inevitable new attitude. In the interim, however, before the rank and file discovered how greatly their views had changed, the official pronouncements of the churches were generally fundamentalist.

Long before 1933, American business had ceased to be ruggedly individualistic, but relatively few business men had become aware of the fact. Organized business, indeed, has not yet reflected this to any great extent. Since the last election, however, a noticeable change has quietly come over the resolutions and pronouncements of many business organizations.

We can not understand this change if we think of Roosevelt as preaching a business gospel all at variance with the views of business men. It has been at variance, rather, with the formulated creed of business men; and in times of rapid social transition there is always a con- siderable discrepancy between our real views and our formulated creed.

It is true that organized business has clung desperately in times of rapid social transition there is always a con- ing. For when people fully accept a certain belief, they are likely to take it in their stride as a position which requires no particular defense. It is when they feel themselves slipping that they cling most desperately and defend most vehemently. The National Association

16

of Manufacturers, for instance, met a year or so ago and formulated a platform "unalterably opposed" to almost everything which its membership had begun to be- lieve. Business had taken on a social character; and no manufacturer who did not act to some degree upon that fact could now hope to get anywhere at all. To read that platform, however, one might conclude that our business leaders accepted no social responsibility but were determined to act in the future as if nothing what- ever had taken place since the doctrine of unrestricted individualism had first been formulated.

So if we want to know what is really going on in the minds of business men, we will not take such a plat- form very seriously. When an adolescent youth first be- comes aware of his adolescence, and feels himself being driven from his familiar course by strange new drives within him, he is likely to formulate a platform too. But it won't be a platform of adolescence. It won't be a platform of what to do about these strange new drives. In all probability it will say: "Resolved, that I am off women for life." Students of human evolution, however, will not take such a pronouncement too seri- ously, nor will they conclude that it expresses the real mind of the platform maker.

LESS THAN A YEAR AGO, I discontinued my connection with the United States Chamber of Commerce, and, being one of its founders, I thought it not only fair but necessary to make public my reasons for doing so. Whereupon, I received hundreds of letters from thought- ful business men all over the nation, some criticizing but the great majority commending my course. Many of the latter were still retaining their membership in the Chamber and referred especially to my "courage" in taking the stand I did. But courage was the wrong word entirely. There was nothing courageous about it. The Chamber was committing itself, in resolution after resolution, to what seemed to me to be an anti- business course; and if I were right in this conclusion, my withdrawal could not possibly injure my standing in the business community. Had I been seeking acclaim, in fact — and by that I mean acclaim from business men — I could scarcely have adopted a more strategic course. The personal note ran through these letters from busi- ness men, distinguishing their individual positions. "Personally," wrote the president of a leading trade association, "I am greatly in sympathy with your point of view. The most important task for industrialists is to build up the purchasing power of the masses at large." "I personally agree with your views," wrote another, "and feel that the indictment is fully justified." "There

SURVEY GRAPHIC

is so much that matches my personal views," ran a third, "that I feel impelled to write." Still another: "Un- til business men as a group do substitute fact-finding research for opinion, and until they do consent to study their general problems as well as their individual prob- lems, they will never get anywhere as far as the develop- ment of public opinion is concerned." And from an important committee secretary: "I am glad that some- one has the courage to speak his piece. . . . All of us are more inclined to follow the line of least resistance than to take a determined stand in opposition."

Here on the letterhead of one of many member cham- bers was this: "You are entirely right. . . . We have witnessed unfair reflections upon the Chamber of Com- merce name here and all because of what the na- tional organization has displayed." A large manufacturer wrote: "I have long felt that the great weakness of most associations of this character is exactly as stated, and until they recognize the need of facing honesdy the problems with which industry is confronted, and en- deavor to find an honest and fair solution, those prob- lems will continue to exist." And another: "The writer, for the past several years has maintained unexpressed views you have expressed. It is my opinion that the busi- ness men of the country as represented by the United States Chamber of Commerce and through its agencies should ascertain unbiased facts in relation to business and industry and make recommendations to its mem- bers, the Congress and the administration, from time to time, of necessary measures for maintaining unin- terrupted and solvent business, the maintenance of liv- ing wages and the reduction of unemployment, to the end that the federal government may be relieved as early as practicable of the necessity of large scale work- creating programs and relief."

IF I MAY BE PERMITTED to draw another example from the recent political campaign: I had a similar experi- ence when, in a nation-wide radio hook-up, I criticized our newspapers for what seemed to me to be an almost comic inconsistency — their news columns proclaiming the return of prosperity under the New Deal administra- tion, and their editorials and special articles trying to prove that no such thing could happen. There would have been temerity in it, for a business man to do such a thing, if the times had not been changing and the minds of business men, even in the publishing busi- ness, had not been changing with them, regardless of how they might be committed for the time being to a formula which had become so at variance with the known facts. As it was, the newspapers not only gave my talk the widest publicity, but I was again deluged with letters of appreciation, mostly from newspaper men.

To go back a bit, it had become a commonplace even before the War, for business men to declare that "Busi- ness is Service." This doesn't mean that business began forthwith to organize primarily for the service of the whole public. Many of those who repeated this noble phrase may have been hypocritical chisellers hiding their deviltry behind a false front. But there was truth in the statement. Business, obviously, had become some- thing which it had not always been. No horse trader, in my boyhood, had had the effrontery to declare that

horse trading generally was service; for no one, in those days, could get away with it. In those days, it was uniformly understood that buyers should beware. In the course of time, however, business developed to a point where it had to quit trying to get the best of its customers if it were to retain those customers. It hadn't become unselfish. It hadn't become idealistic. But from that day to this, business could reasonably look for last- ing success only as it discovered more and better ways of giving more useful service to a larger and larger public.

THE MINDS of American business men, therefore, groped for such ways, even while organized business was largely concentrating upon the problem of defending business against the demands of a public which wanted helpful service. Business men, for instance, launched plans for industrial democracy, while business organizations were defending business autocracy. Business men, also, adopted safety devices in their own factories, and ex- perimented with benefits for injuries received in the course of employment, whether the workman might be legally guilty of contributory negligence or not. Those business organizations which continued to oppose work- men's compensation laws fell behind those which responded to this forward move which has now been adopted generally.

Eventually, a business man experimented with the idea of raising wages, not out of the goodness of his heart but because it occurred to him that wages were buying power; and that, with mass production supplanting other forms of production, the masses must be able to buy more things. The experiment worked, and this busi- ness man soon became America's biggest and most suc- cessful business man. While this was going on, how- ever, the most unpopular man in all America as far as our business organizations were concerned was this man — Henry Ford.

Then came the War. Business was patriotic. Business was energetic and resourceful. But business was not organized for any such service to the whole nation as it had now become necessary for the nation to have. One of our leading business men, therefore, was appointed as a sort of business dictator, to organize American business on what seemed to be an utterly non-business principle — the principle of maximum service to the na- tion at war. Bernard M. Baruch demonstrated genius on this job, and he had the hearty cooperation of the best minds in business. Regular business organizations could do little meanwhile, except to mark time until the War was won. Then they clamored unanimously for an immediate return to their former system — or lack of it — under which the whole nation could not be served.

Business men by the thousands, however, did remem- ber the War; and the marvelous results, both military and economic, which had followed this coordination of American industry to achieve a certain, unanimously desired end; and they groped in their minds for some economic plan by which the whole people, in times of peace, might equally be served. Most of them, doubt- less, did not realize that business generally could not be organized for service without the sacrifice of some of its traditional formulas. But their minds were changing. They were superimposing (Continued on page 48)

JANUARY 1937

17

ffg •-• 4 . f- ',- 0 ^ D

^p1

MARINERS

Courtesy Carnegie Institute, .Pittsburgh

TRADITIONAL SPAIN

Paintings by

JOSE GUTIERREZ SOLANA

THE WOMEN BULLFIGHTERS

PROCESSION

Solatia, born in Madrid in 1886, is one of the great artists of modern Spain. Less well known to us than the purely pictorial work of Sorolla and the Zubiaurres, his paintings now contribute to our understanding of the Spanish mind. He dwells upon those lingering traces of medievalism in their customs. In sombre tones he paints strange religious ceremonies, grotesque fantasies in which skeletons predominate, and the sinister pomp of the bullfight arena

Balance-Sheet of Repeal

by H. H. KAY

Has repeal helped recovery? Has crime increased? Is al- coholism rampant? Are more women and youths drinking? Has intoxication been a factor in the rising tide of auto- mobile traffic deaths?

FOR MONTHS BEFORE Utah's legislature completed action on the Twenty-first Amendment and thereby legalized liquor on December 5, 1933, Americans witnessed a prop- aganda battle which has seldom — if ever — been equalled. It was a battle of doleful predictions by dry supporters and glowing expectations by enthusiastic repealists.

Now three full years of repeal have elapsed. In their light, we may scrutinize what was said four years ago and what actually has happened. I have used government statistics whenever possible because they are the nearest approach to impartial sources of information, uncon- taminated by either prohibitionists or repealists. An effort has been made to filter out subjective opinions and to let the statistics speak for themselves. To this end, the most general figures available were used when any choice was possible, the presumption being that the wider the area involved the more typical they would be. I have tried to vault over the wishful thinking of both pro- fessional wets and drys and have attempted to present the facts without the coloring of propaganda.

But before we attempt to get at the facts, let us look at the repeal map. Of the forty-eight states, only one — Alabama — has remained bone dry. Four others — Kan- sas*, Oklahoma, Mississippi and Tennessee — permit the legal sale of beer. Georgia legalized both beer and local light wines. Although North Carolina has a state dry law, eighteen counties and two cities are exempt and may set up their own liquor stores. The remaining forty-one states and the District of Columbia permit the sale of hard liquor.

Eleven states sell alcoholic beverages only for consump- tion off the premises — the so-called "package sales." Others don't care whether the liquor is drunk at home or at bars. North Dakota, which joined the hard liquor list on December 3, 1936, as a result of approval of a wet proposal by approximately 20,000 votes in the No- vember election, permits sale either by the drink or by the bottle. The state even allows clubs with memberships of at least two hundred to install their own private bars. Fifteen states operate liquor monopolies.

Ten states, mostly in the Midwest and West, and the District of Columbia are wet and their citizens have no rights for local option. The other thirty-one states where hard liquor may be sold give communities in which dry sentiment is strong the privilege of deciding what they want in local elections. Arizona, California, Indiana,

Wyoming and the District of Columbia permit what might be called the maximum wetness — sale either by the drink or by the bottle for home consumption — and yet make no allowance for any community's dry senti- ment.

Incidentally, it is noteworthy that the so-called "wet" states of Illinois, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania all permit local option elections. More than 150 communities in these five states repudiated re- peal by voting dry in the November balloting.

Now let us turn from the methods of state liquor con- trol to examine the number of places where liquor is sold. According to the 1935 census of business by the Department of Commerce, there were 97,852 drinking places and 12,063 beer and liquor stores that legally sold alcoholic beverages by the package. That meant a total of 109,915 places where liquor was the principal item of sale in 1935 as compared, for instance, with 55,132 candy and confectionery stores, 66,183 garages and 196,649 fill- ing stations. Restaurants and department stores where liquor sales were only an incidental item of business were not included in the figure of 109,915.

These retail establishments sold $1,049,067,000 worth of liquor during 1935. This compared with sales of $491,722,000 in retail shoe stores, $1,260,464,000 in retail furniture stores and $1,961,780,000 at filling stations.

* The Kansas constitution prohibits sale of intoxicating liquors but the state supreme court has ruled that 3.2 percent beer must be shown to be "intoxicating in fact" before beer vendors may be prosecuted. Open sale of beer followed this ruling despite the state law.

20

- M mn.m.l'<r miiiniu lUim'llljiJ. .H--mgB^>pplulUIU LUl

speed. Slow down when approaching crossroads and street intersections.

INTOXICATION—

Of 3,340 drivers involved in fatal accidents in 1934, 62 were intoxicated.

Drunken drivers are one of the most dangerous hazards on the highways.

Alcohol retards the reaction time of a motorist from 1/T to 2/5 of a second. This slight fraction may cause a death or serious injury.

Avoid the possibility of accidents by abstaining from drinking while driving.

Sobriety is a first law of safe driving.

Conviction for driving while intoxicated results in the revo- cation of the driving license, the suspension of the registration, and the necessity for furnishing financial responsibility for a period of 3 years thereafter.

Don't Mix Alcohol and Gasoline

Every New York automobile driver receives this warning

SURVEY GRAPHIC

It would seem to be an easy matter to find comparative consumption statistics for pre-prohibition days and re- peal. Unfortunately, however, the picture is blurred be- cause tax figures are not quite comparative. Here is the nearest approach with certain obvious errors:

Beer: The U. S. Tariff Commission estimated that the greatest per capita consumption of pre-prohibition days was 21.03 gallons in 1913. This figure, however, was pro- rated over the entire country whereas some communities had bone dry laws. The National Conference of State Liquor Administrators found that in twenty-eight states the 1935 beer consumption ranged from .25 to 20.11 gal- lons per person with the average of twenty-four states approximately 12 gallons. In 1934, the same states re- ported consumption at 9 gallons an individual.

Wine: The Tariff Commission estimated maximum wine consumption at .69 of a gallon in 1911 while the liquor administrators said that in twenty-two states the consumption per capita ranged from .012 to 3.63 gallons in 1935 or an average of .4 of a gallon. In 1934, the per capita consumption of wine was .36 of a gallon.

Distilled spirits: The Tariff Commission calculated consumption at 1.64 gallons in 1917 while the liquor ad- ministrators found that in twenty-eight states the range in 1935 was from .35 to 3.03 gallons with the average .79 of a gallon if the District of Columbia, which had the largest rate, was excluded. In 1934, the figure was .58 of a gallon in sixteen states.

DONT TRU/T VOUR LIFE TO

Generally, one might guess that present day consump- tion per capita is approximately 60 percent in all classi- fications compared with the maximum pre-prohibition figures.

LOUDEST OF THE ATTRACTIONS that the repealists shouted when the Twenty-first Amendment was being consid- ered was the plea that it would help recovery. What has repeal done?

Latest Department of Commerce statistics show that 265,878 workers were employed at wages of $281,834,000 during 1935. How many of these persons replaced others in the illicit bootleg industry of the late prohibition years is not known. Unfortunately for comparative studies, bootleggers did not file employment data with the gov- ernment.

These 1935 figures, which do not include those of waiters or other part time liquor and beer dispensers who serve occasional drinks, show the following break- down :

Location Workers Wages

DRINKING PLACES 151,009 $108,350,000

BEER AND LIQUOR STORES 16,325 17,534,000

(Package sales)

WHOLESALERS 37,776 58,051,000

MANUFACTURERS 60,768 97,899,000

Thus repeal brought into legal existence an industry which employs approximately as many persons as live in Akron, Ohio; Birmingham, Ala.; or Provi- dence, R.I. The annual wages of these work- ers is slightly more than that paid to all the employes of restaurants, cafeterias and lunch- rooms throughout the nation.

Another often repeated argument of the re- pealists was that the federal treasury would find a new source for revenue in repeal. What are the facts?

Federal taxes on alcoholic beverages of all kinds now bring approximately half a billion dollars into the till annually. Treasury statis- tics show the following for the repeal period:

Fiscal year

1934 1935 1936

Alcoholic

beverage taxes

$258,911,332.62

411,021,772.35

505,464,037.10

Customs duties on liquors imported

$24,022,973 40,942,988 38,000,624 38,500,000

and the State Liquor Authority publicizes the effects of alcohol on man

1937 (estimated) 589.200.000.00

A total of approximately $2 billion or half the estimated annual relief expenditures of the federal government will have been col- lected by next July 1 because of prohibition's repeal.

Some may say that this is not a clear profit because the government has to spend large sums in clerical and enforcement work but the 1937 budget of the Treasury Department's alcohol tax unit amounts to $12,332,300 com- pared with expenditures of $13,808,394 by the Bureau of Prohibition during the 1930 fiscal year, typical of an "expensive" pre-repeal year.

State treasuries, too, received additional rev- enues. A treasury department survey figured that revenue from liquor taxes, license fees and profits of state liquor monopolies paid

JANUARY 1937

21

inio state treasuries amounted to $9,780,000 in 1933, $90,- 145,000 in 1934 and $166,602,000 in 1935— a total of more than a quarter of a billion dollars during two years.

Use of these state revenues varies according to each state's provisions. Some were spent for schools and old age pensions as in Texas and Arkansas; for relief as in Arizona, Montana and New Mexico; for reduction of the general real estate taxes as in Iowa and Wisconsin; or for the state's general funds as in California, Maine and New York.

Workers and treasury officials have not been the only groups to which the rehabilitation of the liquor industry proved a boon. Farmers sold 48,150,000 bushels of grain to distillers during the 1936 fiscal year.

PROHIBITIONISTS IN THEIR BATTLE against the Twenty- first Amendment contended that repeal would have an unfavorable effect on the health of Americans. Do sta- tistics support this argument?

The Metropolitan Life Insurance Company is cited as authority for the statement that deaths of its industrial policyholders from alcoholism declined 13 percent in 1935 to become the lowest of any year since 1921. On the other hand, the Northwestern National Life Insurance Company at Minneapolis is quoted in a report that 32 percent more insurance applicants were rejected in 1935 because of excessive use of liquor than in 1932.

Deathrates from alcoholism compiled by the Census Bureau represent only a slightly more satisfying answer. There was a sharp downward trend in the rate per 100,000 estimated population in the registration area dur- ing 1918 and 1919 when wartime prohibition was in force in the United States. From 1920 until 1927 and 1928 there was a steady rise in the rate to 3.5 in 1930 and finally a decline again during the fading era of prohibition to 2.5 in 1932, rising to 2.8 in 1934.

Statistics for the last three years available — half prohi- bition and half repeal — are the lowest for any three-year period on record during the initial burst of prohibition from 1919 to 1922. During the days when John Barley- corn was at large, the alcoholism deathrate approximated 5 per 100,000 estimated population. Even the most fer- vent believer in freedom to drink could not unfeelingly condone or even excuse the 3655 deaths recorded from alcoholism in 1934, but the trends cited above seem to indicate that neither prohibition nor repeal have solved the difficulties. The answer may be through education toward moderation.

Cirrhosis of the liver, another cause of death which frequently is linked with over-drinking, showed an

equally inconclusive trend. Deathrates compiled by the Census Bureau show that the rate for this cause declined steadily from 1911 to 1920 and then the figure fluctuated within a ratio of one per 200,000 estimated population from that year until 1934, the latest figure available.

Ix THE WAKE OF PROHIBITION came the bootlegger. Soon these underworld elements were organized into gangs under the direction of such men as Al Capone who saw an opportunity to pile up million-dollar fortunes. The bootlegger, the speakeasy and the racketeer, all were silent but sinister signs of the repudiation of prohibition while it still remained on the law books.

Today the major gangs appear to have been smashed. Whether this is due to the work of the Federal Bureau of Investigation operating under new grants of power, to an aroused public opinion or to repeal itself can not be demonstrated by figures. Regardless of the cause, the fact is undisputed, I believe, that criminals are far less powerful than they were four years ago. Their golden fountain of income from illicit drink has gone dry. When they tried to turn to kidnaping as the next most lucrative substitute and then, in desperation, to bank robbing, they clashed with the government's armed special agents. They were beaten by a new militam agency for law enforcement which had lacked the power to make arrests in most cases before 1933. Practically all of the once familiar names of the prohibition era gang- sters have become buried in dimming memories. These one-time big shots of crime land have been killed either by rivals or by law enforcement officers, sent to prison or retired unobtrusively to a more legitimate business.

Prohibition supporters, knowing that gangsters had grown powerful and wealthy from the speakeasy and the beer-running trade, did not hesitate to predict a rise of crime if the voters invalidated the Eighteenth Amend- ment. What has happened in this field?

All classifications of major crimes, except rape, showed decreases or indecisive irregularities during the past six years, according to Uniform Crime Reports based on all offenses known to police in sixty-nine cities over 100,000 population which are tabulated by the Department of Justice. The most recent publication covers the first nine months of the six years from 1931 to 1936, permitting the inclusion of the 1936 figures and excluding the transition quarter at the end of 1933 when repeal first became effective.*

These sixty-nine cities have a population just under twenty million or approximately one sixth of the nation's citizenry. Such a large section of the country certainly

FIVE-YEAR CRIME RECORD*
Year	Criminal Homicide	Rape	Robbery	Aggravated Assault	Burglary — Breaking or Engineering	Larceny- Theft	Auto Theft
1931	2184	914	14,716	7779	51,784	113,352	64,738
1932	1984	947	14,011	7044	56,831	116,845	54,793
1933	2144	985	13,564	8725	58,018	122,926	52,013
1934	1760	970	11,184	7934	54,894	120,629	48,336
1935	1598	1219	9546	7520	52,153	123,321	41,995
1936	1566	1169	8325	7991	44,992	112,602	34,859

22

SURVEY GRAPHIC

presents more significant trends than compilations of reports from smaller communities hand-picked for propa- ganda purposes.

IN ADDITION to collecting data on the number of known arrests, the De- partment of Justice also receives hun- dreds of thousands of fingerprint records. These are filed at the Washington headquarters of the Federal Bureau of Investigation so that the nation's law enforcers may have a handy check on a man's pre- vious record. Statistics based on these fingerprint records show a steady in- crease in the percentage of arrests for drunken driving and for drunken- ness during the past five years. Ar- rests for violations of the liquor laws have decreased materially. This de- crease was offset by the increase in driving while intoxicated, alone, while arrests for drunkenness sky- rocketed from only 3.6 percent of all arrests in 1932 to 15.4 percent in 1936.

Statistics for the first nine months of the past five years showing the percentage of total fingerprints follow:

Disorderly

conduct, etc.

10.3

11.6 11.4 12.1

I \1IMIILA\CI

tiandicapper

in fife's race

1932 1933 1934 1935 1936

Driving while intoxicated	Violation oj liquor laws	Drunkenness
1.5	5.5	3.6
1.6	2.5	17.0
2.5	2.5	7.9
2.6	2.7	10.0
4.0	2.1	15.4

In current discussions of what repeal has or has not done, one frequently hears the statement that repeal did not lower the number of liquor law violators in federal penitentiaries. What are the facts?

The statement is correct — as far as it goes. It does not point out, however, that while the number of liquor law violators in penitentiaries remained fairly constant, the number of persons serving jail sentences dropped from 26,576 during the fiscal year 1932-33 to 7579 during 1935-36. That represents a decrease of more than two thirds from the prohibition year figure.

As Sanford Bates, director of the Bureau of Prisons, writes in his 1935 annual report:

The relief which we expected to come from the repeal of prohibition has not materialized. During the year 1932. when the enforcement of the liquor law under the Depart- ment of Justice was at its height, nearly 50 percent of those committed to federal institutions were sent there for liquor law violations. As appears from the subjoined table, this proportion was reduced by 1934, to about 28 percent. But for 1935 the proportion is 42 percent, and is approaching the level of prohibition days.

It will be apparent from an inspection of the tables in the statistical section of our report that the total number of persons committed for liquor law violations is not as large as formerly. Since 1932, the number taken on proba- tion in federal courts has fallen off nearly 7000, and the jail population has been reduced considerably. These facts, coupled with the fact that penitentiary commitments for

JANUARY 1937

1932-33	1934-35	1935-36
3337	4615	5137
26,576	7396	7579
49	25	38
13,863	5202	8595
43,825	17,238	21349

A poster in the N. Y. State Liquor Authority's educational campaign

liquor are substantially the same as they were during pro- hibition days, indicate an increasing severity of treatment of liquor violators by the federal courts. In addition to a slight increase in crime of all kinds this unexpected failure to reduce the number of liquor violators, taken together with a slightly diminished number of paroles, accounts for the sharp increase in our federal institution population.

The number of liquor violators who were convicted and sentenced to imprisonment or placed on probation during 1932-33, a typical late prohibition but not the peak year, and the past two fiscal years follows:

Disposition

SENT TO FEDERAL INSTITUTIONS (') SENT TO JAILS

SENT TO OTHER INSTITUTIONS PLACED ON PROBATION TOTAL

Famed "rum row" off the Atlantic Coast has van- ished. Writing to the Secretary of the Treasury last September on law enforcement, Harold N. Graves, assistant to the Secretary, wrote:

The number of stills seized in operations against illicit production of liquor remained virtually stationary. [1935 — 15,712; 1936—15,727] However, the quantity of mash re- ported in connection with still seizure showed a notable decline and the number of convictions showed a gratifying increase.

As indicated by the sensational increase in the number of arrests from driving while intoxicated mentioned above, the drunken driver of repeal has almost sur- planted the gangster of prohibition as a social problem. Members of the Anti-Saloon League and the Women's Christian Temperance Union are not alone in pointing out the evils of mixing alcohol and gasoline. Newton D. Baker, who was a member of the Wickersham Commis- sion that pointed out numerous objections to the "noble experiment," said during a recent interview at Nashville

1 Includes federal penitentiaries, reformatories and camps.

23

that drunken drivers may force the return of prohibi- tion upon the American people if they continue the slaughter of the citizenry.

Massachusetts, one of our most progressive states in regard to supervision over motor vehicles and accidents, shows deaths from automobile accidents in which either motorist or pedestrian was intoxicated at a record high figure for the fourteen years for which comparable sta- tistics are available.

The Governor's Committee on Public Safety in Florida inspected causes of the 597 traffic deaths during 1935 and found that drunken driving ranked third.

The Arkansas State Police Department regards drunken drivers as its greatest traffic menace. The Arkansas State Rangers report that nearly one fourth of those killed in traffic, died as the result of accidents in which one or both drivers were drunk.

The Connecticut State Department of Motor Vehicles made a survey of drunken driving which showed an actual increase of 33.9 percent during the first half of 1936 as compared with the same period of 1935. In a summary published by the state were these general com- ments on the subject of drunken driving:

Intoxicated operators in fatal accidents are as numerous in the country as in the city.

Intoxicated operators are increasing in the early morning hours.

Of those killed in 1936 by intoxicated operators, only one was an intoxicated operator.

Intoxicated women drivers are on the increase — one in 1935 and four in 1936.

Some students of this problem point out that the dangers of intoxication in driving are magnified as speedier and speedier automobiles are sold. The drunken driver at twenty-five miles an hour, while bad enough, is only a fraction of the danger that he is when he steps on the gas and shoots his car along the highway at breakneck speed.

Even the strictest bone dry laws do not safeguard a community from drunken drivers, it seems. Alabama, the only state in which a beverage stronger than beer of one half of one percent is illegal, reported 263 cases of public drunkenness and 668 persons arrested for driv- ing while under the influence of intoxicating liquors during the nine months of 1936.

MORE AND MORE women are being arrested, not only for driving while intoxicated but for drunkenness as well. This increase generally has been constant with the rise in the number of men arrested.

None would question that liquor for women is much more accessible with a cocktail bar just around the corner than in the speakeasy days when a person usually knew only a few limited "spots" at which entry was easy and then women generally needed escorts. Almost without exception in the wet metropolitan areas, order- ing a drink today is less of a ritual than during prohibi- tion. Although some might question it, I believe one may logically deduce that the 2808 women arrested dur- ing the first nine months of 1936 for drunkenness first learned to imbibe at some speakeasy. The conclusion that streams inevitably from the arrest figures, it seems to me, is that repeal has not brought back the moderation in drinking that was claimed for it by repealists.

Likewise on the campus, repeal has not solved the problem of how to keep the alumni orderly and reason- ably sober when they return for football games. President Harold W. Dodds of Princeton University was sup- ported widely by college officials throughout the country when he said: "For the most painful exhibition of bad manners, one must turn to intercollegiate football games and the flask-toters and alcoholic partisans who attend them." Yet when Princeton appealed to all ticket pur- chasers for the Princeton-Navy game last fall to abstain from liquor, the students, the alumni and the general public cooperated. After that game, ground keepers at the stadium picked up a scant half dozen discarded liquor bottles as contrasted with two truckloads gathered up after one 1935 game. The weather, it is true, was warmer but certainly not two truckloads warmer.

The situation even among undergraduates is not new. A special survey by the U.S. Office of Education in 1932 showed that drinking was a "serious problem" in 63 of 428 institutions questioned. This was approximately 15 percent of the total. No comparative study of current conditions is available.

REGARDLESS OF PAST DIFFERENCES of opinion, both wets and drys agree today on the need for education in safe and sane drinking. One of the best discussions of the entire question of drinking liquor is a pamphlet published by New York's State Liquor Authority. It quotes exten- sively from scientific sources on how over-indulgence may damage the body and slow down the nervous re- actions, a vital factor if one is going to push the throttle down to the floor board.

With the sole exception of Wyoming, all states require by law that school pupils be taught about the effects of excessive use of alcohol and narcotics.

Even the WCTU and Anti-Saloon League are shift- ing the emphasis in their prohibition appeals from the emotional to the more scientific. Temperance officials with whom I have talked frankly admit in private that prohibition was enacted before a large group of the gen- eral public was educated to it. They do not propose to make the same mistake twice.

Under the decidedly educational effects of prohibition which put their predecessors out of business, present day distillers and brewers are toeing the line far more than manufacturers in pre-prohibition days. During the past six months, the Federal Alcohol Administration has sent out more than 400 letters pointing out what they con- sidered to be objectionable points in advertising. Al- though the FAA frankly admitted that it had no power to force its views on liquor vendors in these cases, all but two agreed to change their copy.

AFTER THREE YEARS, it is evident that repeal is neither a panacea nor a Pandora's box for the problems of prohibition. On the credit side, repeal has aided re- covery by putting more than 250,000 men back to legal work and adding half a billion dollar-s annually to fed- eral revenues; and it did not bring the predicted increase in crime generally. On the debit side, repeal has increased the hazards from drunken driving and has sent more women — as well as men — to jail as drunks than ever before. Moderate drinking, it would appear, will not result from legislation but rather from education.

24

SURVEY GRAPHIC

A NEW LANGUAGE

Visual Education

by OTTO NEURATH

WHEN WILL THE MIDDLE AGES BE AT AN END? As soon as all men can participate in a common culture and the canyon between educated and uneducated people has disappeared. Life in that future day will be more fully lived and understood. Perhaps everyone will work as a specialist in his special field, but at the same time he will — he must — vividly take part in the common life, sharing understanding of and responsibility for the main problems of his world.

Our generation is opening the way for this new life of tomorrow through many activities in many direc- tions. Part of this preparation is the improvement in our cultural communication, which is already beginning to re-shape our whole scheme of education. Education is a broad area, with many fields, forests, deserts and swamps. If we are going to increase its harvests, we must deal with its waste places, clear away the confu- sion, boredom, narrowness, prejudice, useless tradition

which hinder the process of humanizing human beings. We cannot hope to democ- ratize our cultural life with- out many new avenues of communication and educa- tion. Our present limitations are barriers to free discussion of common problems, and to the dissemination of simple but important facts. Intelli- gent people of limited school- ing frequently are discour- aged and defeated by their own handicaps in trying to reach a higher level of knowl- edge and understanding and in seeking a common ground with those who handle easily the tools of higher educa- tion. As a result, we have, in general, two groups of people in all countries: the one, very small, in close contact with the knowledge of modern times; and another and very large group which is scarcely touched by the great currents of our present civilization. Such a genius as Faraday could explain scientific mat- ters even to children, as he did in the famous Lectures on the Chemical History of a Candle. But very few teach- ers and experts are able in everyday language to open up the realm of modern science

Reading down:

1 — worker

2— coal

3— coal-worker

4 — mechanized mining

S^hand-mining

in relation to modern life. We need a new way to con- vey information, a method which is simple to teach and to learn, and at the same time comprehensive and exact.

What I might call "consistent visualization" is such a way. Visual impressions have become more and more important in our "visual era," and especially to un- schooled adults and to children. The usual visual meth- ods— even the most careful charts and the most elaborate exhibits — are frequently confusing rather than enlight- ening, because their elements are unfamiliar. It is almost as though people had to learn a new language for each new communication. One solution is Isotype, a method with a special visual dictionary and a special visual grammar; that is, a new visual world, comparable to our book and word world. [See Survey Graphic, No- vember 1936, page 618.] Charts, pictures, models, movies, games, illustrations can, with a little related text, show in this symbol language the main facts and explain the impor- tant problems in any field of knowl- edge.

The first step in Isotype is the de- velopment of easily understood and easily remembered symbols. The next step is to combine these symbolic ele- ments. For example, there is a symbol for shoe and another for factory. By joining these two symbols to make a new one, we can talk about a factory in which shoes are made. By another combination of symbols, we can dis- cuss shoes made by machinery and shoes made by hand. Similarly we can add the symbol for coal to the symbol for worker; and we can make an Isotype for mechanized mining and for pick mining. We can place sym- bols on a map, to show geographical distribution, or range them in rows to express statistical relationships.

A man coming into a strange coun- try without a knowledge of the lan- guage is uncertain where to get his boat or railroad ticket, where to check his baggage, how to use a telephone, or find a telegraph office, a post- office, a comfort station, a taxi, a hotel. An international symbol-lan- guage would be a boon to the traveler in a foreign land. Even in his own country, symbols are better guides than words alone in giving traffic di- rections, and as signs in public office buildings, museums and parks. This method can also be used as an

I

Reading down:

1 — shoe

2 — factory

3 — shoe factory

4 — machine- made shoes

5 — handmade shoes

JANUARY 1937

25

VISUAL HISTORY

FIGHTING MEN

Victors Vanquished

479 B.C. Battle of Plataea

216 B.C.

Battle of Cannae

58 B.C. Battle of Blbrachte

955 A.D. Battle on the Lechfeld

1190 A.D. Battles for Iconium

1231 A.D.

Battle of Llegnitz

1346 A.D. Battle of Crecy

1476 A.D. Battle of Morat

GREEKS PERSIANS

HANNIBAL'S ARMY ROMANS

CAESAR'S ARMY HELVETIANS

ARMY OF OTTO THE GREAT MAGYARS

CRUSADERS ARMY OF THE SULTAN OF ICONIUM

ARMY OF JENGHIS KHAN KNIGHTS. SILESIANS. POLES

ENGLISH FRENCH

SWISS ARMY OF CHARLES THE BOLD

Each Figure represents 10,000 soldiers

VISUALIZATION IN PRACTICE

COMMUNICATIONS

telegrams

stamps

telephone

air-mail

money orders

VISUAL DICTIONARY AND GRAMMAR

GRAIN

produced and consumed produced and exported imported

COFFEE

produced and consumed produced and exported imported

produced and destroyed stored

VISUAL ECONOMICS

PRODUCTION AND DESTRUCTION OF COFFEE 1933

Each symbol represents 100,000 tons of coffee black without ship: produced and consumed black on ship: produced and exported black with Flame: produced and destroyed white on ship: imported

introduction to complex historical or social statements. Many people who are confused by books and lectures can grasp facts and their relationships through a visual expression, supplemented only by a brief verbal explana- tion. The basic aim of this visual method is to human- ize and democratize the world of knowledge and of intellectual activity.

The best foundation for a comprehensive visual edu- cation would be to let all children learn their own lan- guage and also foreign languages by this method. If a German, for example, wants to learn English it will help him to perceive that the English language, far more than German, is based on opposites, or antonyms. It is more instructive to show the fact of opposition than to try to explain it in words. Any child can understand a picture showing a coming and a going dog. By such symbols we can help children learn to use words readily.

Such visual education may be started with very young children, permitting them to combine symbols as they now combine wooden blocks to make buildings and bridges. Their play with symbols would supplement the pictures and designs they make with paints, crayons and modeling clay. Many imaginative children find they are unable to handle enough elements to tell long stories with pencils and colors as they want to do. But they would be able to express their thoughts and their day- dreams if they had a supply of visual units, representing men and women, boys and girls, houses, trees, cars, engines, animals, rubber, cloth, sugar, apples and all the other things that interest them. In this way children would have a bridge between their games and their systematic education, as well as between their own pic- tures and the pictures they see hanging on the walls or in their books, based on the law of perspective. It is of course important to give children of all ages photo- graphs and other realistic material, but it is also impor- tant to explain schematically biological, geographic, his- toric and sociological facts and principles.

In this way learning is not limited to acquiring the

LANGUAGE EDUCATION

GO

Examples of language teaching by pictures. Taken from the book by Otto Neurath, Basic by Isotype. Publisher, Kegan Paul, London

COME

IN

OUT

HEALTH EDUCATION

Symbols Developed for Poster*.

RICKETS

Left column: Without treatment

Right column: With medical treatment

From the book, International Picture Language, . by Otto Neurath

28

facts necessary to pass examinations, and then not using these facts.again. Students are led to understand the rela- tionships of the facts within one subject field. Even more important, they are enabled to see how one division of knowledge is related to the facts and the theories of other fields. We cannot say that a young person knows what he needs to know of geography, for example, if he can tell you only the names of the capital cities of the different countries, and has memorized the names and the locations of the important rivers and mountain ranges. If geography is to be a vital thing to him, he must see the ways in which it has affected history in the past, as well as today. Often these relationships are quite complicated. The visual method helps make them clear and exact to the pupil.

Symbols in general are adapted to the child mind, as they are to primitive minds. Yet the simple elements can be made to show the most complicated facts and rela- tionships. The visual method is also applicable to adult education. Used in connection with the customary mu- seum materials, visual models and charts complete and enrich the exhibits in museums of fine arts, natural history, ethnology or hygiene.

This visual method has special uses in teaching public health lessons, child care, safety, and so on, to adults and to children; and in teaching retarded or handicapped children. The International Foundation for Visual Education is working along these lines in many countries.

The visual method, fully developed, becomes the basis for a common cultural life and a common cultural rela- tionship. Visualization, rightly understood, is not only a supplement to other educational methods, but also a foundation for the more successful education of tomor- row in relation to important cultural and social move- ments of today.

And so we return to our first question: when will the Middle Ages end? We do not know. We see war, the conflict of men against men, instead of a common fight against common danger, and the organized upbuilding of a better civilization. But we see new forces at work too, and new possibilities. To give them free play, we need more channels of communication and understand- ing. Here, I believe, the visual method is a significant development.

SURVEY GRAPHIC

A Militant Trade Union

MINNEAPOLIS: MUNICIPAL PROFILE

by CHARLES R. WALKER

In his final article on Minneapolis Mr. Walker scrutinizes the storm center of the city: Local 544, the economic dynamo, citadel, school and club of the truck drivers

IN THE PAST TWO YEARS General Drivers Local 574, now 544, has become something of a legend in the Northwest. Its enemies regard it as a calamity, its friends as an almost magical power. The general public believes pro- foundly that "for better or for worse" its presence in any "labor situation" is decisive. It has the reputation among trade unionists of having been a key factor in making Minneapolis a union town, and among many business men of having established a "labor dictatorship" in Min- neapolis.

If you visited its headquarters on Plymouth Avenue any time during the past two years you would have found one to a dozen individuals or delegates from labor organizations asking assistance of 574. Organizers loaned men for the picket line, gave advice and financial assist- ance: 574 never turned down a petitioner. Much of 574's influence in labor situations flows unquestionably from its jurisdiction over trucking, which is strategic in a commercial and transportation center like Minneapolis.

Minneapolis and what is now Local 544 are in many ways unique but they are a part of the contemporary scene in the American labor movement. Everywhere in labor circles there is a drive for organization. The yeast of this movement is unquestionably "the progres- sive and militant trade union" which tends toward an industrial as against a craft union philosophy.

Local 544 is not an industrial union but many of its members and leaders are sympathetic to industrial union- ism and its structure combines features from both indus- trial and craft forms. This article will attempt to picture its mechanics, and analyze its methods and purposes.

Local 544 in its present form arose from the bitter "drivers' strikes" of 1934 in Minneapolis. [See Survey Graphic, November 1936, page 620.] Its subsequent history has been an equally turbulent struggle for sur- vival and expansion.

A feature which has distinguished 544 from its more conservative, and what might be called "laissez-faire" sister unions is its almost "military efficiency" in organi- zation. The strikes themselves gave a dramatic example of it. Strike headquarters combined a commissary where 5000 workers were fed each day, a hospital, a hall for mass meetings equipped with microphone and loud speaker, and a garage housing scores of trucks which were dispatched with flying squadrons of pickets. The town had been carefully divided into picket districts and some hundreds of instructions for picket captains mime- ographed before the strike was called. This same atten- tion to detailed preparation plus swiftness in execution has been carried forward in the union's "peace time activities."

Another characteristic of the progressive as compared with the less militantly aggressive unions is a tendency

JANUARY 1937

to rely solely on the labor movement to secure economic betterment. By 1934 workers in Minneapolis and else- where were depending more and more on the economic strength of their own organization in collective bargain- ing as against legislative enactments of the New Deal or arbitration by government agencies. When E. J. Dun- nigan, Department of Labor conciliator, was sent to Min- neapolis in 1934, he proposed in effect that the union make him their representative with the employers. The leaders handed him their demands. "Now what is the minimum out of these that you'll take?" said Mr. Dun- nigan. "We authorize you," said the union leaders, "to try to get those demands from the boss. If there's bar- gaining to be done, we'll do it ourselves. Just report back how far you get."

The mediator left in a huff. But ultimately the union won its demands. The union has held to this intolerant skepticism of anything other than direct negotiations be- tween union and employer. Bill Brown, president of the union for fifteen years, sums history prior to 1934 as follows :

I joined the Drivers' Union in 1919. We had our regular meetings and the fellers would beef till two in the morning. I once proposed an organization campaign, but a couple of members got into an argument as to who'd moved the heaviest piano that day. That ended the discussion. . . . Finally for some reason or other, the Teamsters Council gave me the job of International Organizer in 1933. So I decided to work with a few guys who knew how to organ- ize. We had dwindled down to ninety members. Now we've got five thousand. After the coal owners had refused us recognition, I proposed to the Teamsters Council that we strike. I said, "If we lose we're no worse off than we are, this is no union we've got anyway. The workers want to organize if they can get confidence in us. If we win the coal strike we can organize the whole trucking industry."

They did.

FOLLOWING THE STRIKES in the summer of 1934 the union passed through the most critical period in its history. Union control fell back into the hands of the leaders who had governed the organization for twenty years. They differed in practice and in principle with the "new ideas." This leadership tended to split up the consoli- dated driving trades which composed the new union into their respective crafts. Membership slipped from several thousand at the strike peak to eight hundred. Finally Brown called for resignation of the "whole ex- ecutive board," and the membership promptly elected a progressive slate. Membership rose steadily to its present high of five thousand, plus an additional three or four thousand in the unemployed section. Reac- tions of Minneapolis citizens to this ever growing power have varied from tolerance to wild enthusiasm

29

on the one hand and to bitter opposition on the other. There is no surer or more dramatic way of experienc- ing the difference between an old line union and the new and militant variety than in attending any general mem- bership meeting of Local 544. Notoriously the average American trade union conducts its "regular business" with but a fraction of its dues paying membership. A new and militant union, constantly at war with enemies within as well as without the labor movement, must involve a large portion of its membership in active work if it is to survive. Each time I attended one of the reg- ular bi-monthly meetings of 544 there was a large attend- ance, plenty of arguments but an astonishing amount of business transacted between eight and eleven.

Cross-section of the Union

ONE REASON FOR THE AMOUNT of routine business con- ducted at 544 membership meetings despite their live- liness is that each "section" of the union (ice, taxi, trans- fer, and so on) has met previously to conduct its own private affairs. In the general membership meeting sec- tional questions are barred, the agenda permits only business of interest to the whole union. The laissez-faire unions tend to restrict membership to craft lines, the militants to expand toward industrial jurisdiction. Daniel Tobin, president of the Teamsters, expelled Local 574 after the strikes of 1934, but offered to take it back if it would dismember itself along craft lines. The union refused. The only hope of success for any separate trade lay, the leadership believed, in organizing the whole in- dustry into one union. And the structure has continued in peace time.

As in most trade unions the full membership meeting of 544 is the supreme authority. Next comes the execu- tive board, a policy forming agency; next the stewards, one or more with each company having a contract with the union. "There are 120 stewards and they are the backbone of the union," says Farrell Dobbs. The stewards are the daily contact between the workers and the boss; the grievances of the men come to their ears first, and they are usually first to. report anti-union moves on the part of a hostile employer. The stewards as a group meet twice monthly just before the membership meeting, and the executive board meets with them. Thus the union leaders keep in close touch with the workings of a far flung organism. For 544 because of the atomic nature of the trucking industry deals with 500 separate employers. Conversely if the executive board contem- plates a change in policy they hammer it out with the stewards — at once the most loyal and the most experi- enced men in the union— before presenting it to the membership.

As in any successful organization, there is in 544 a subtle and personal division of labor in the leadership. The president, Bill Brown, is known to thousands of truck drivers in Minneapolis. He drove a truck himself for twenty years. He speaks the lingo with original and sarcastic rephrasings of his own. He is a popular speaker and a good chairman. When it comes to policy or strategy Bill admits he leans on the others. Dobbs and Skoglund, two other members of the executive board, are usually given assignments in contract negotiation. V. R. Dunne has been the union's long head on general policy. Besides these there are half a dozen organizers,

like Kelly Postal and Ray Rainbolt, who, as the rank and file committee, ran the strike when the union's lead- ers had been seized by the militia and placed in a mili- tary stockade. Since the union's recent reentry into the International, new officers and organizers have been added; but there seems to have been no change either in the tactics or the internal harmony of the leadership.

In the two and a half years since the 1934 strike, the union has engaged in a number of sectional strikes, has conducted an almost continuous recruiting campaign, and has been constantly bringing pressure on one or more groups of employers for renewal or extension of contracts. It has assisted other striking unions and through its unemployed section it has further meddled in the administration of city relief. Each phase of this record and its sum has been the subject of bitter con- troversy in Minneapolis.

What are termed the "confiscatory wage demands" of Local 544 I have discussed with employers, social work executives, conservative labor leaders, and other Min- neapolis citizens less directly involved. I find there is a large body of what might be termed middle ground opinion sympathetic with labor unions as such, but which sharply criticizes Local 544 for its "extreme," and hence "impractical" wage policy. In agreement with many economists these critics point out that if the wage rate is driven above the marginal productivity of labor, there will be fewer jobs and labor itself will suffer. The union, of course, replies that $28 a week is not an exces- sive wage, and that it cannot take the responsibility for lowering the general wage to keep afloat what it in turn terms marginal businesses. The opinion that the wage demands of Local 544 are uneconomic for the city as 'a whole, however, is widespread among liberal groups in the city. I discussed this point more fully in Article II of this series. Here I shall consider equally serious counts by certain citizens against the integrity of the union, as such. These can be grouped under three heads: a corrupt leadership; racketeering practices against employers; coercion and intimidation of workers.

ONE HEARS IN MINNEAPOLIS many stories, the import of which is that 544's leaders live riotously at the expense of the union treasury. Thus, an official of a large em- ployers' association told me: "I know a man who -, the 544 leader, entering a house of ill-fame

saw

last week with a roll of $400 in his pocket." In this as in a hundred other instances I heard, no direct evidence was forthcoming. I have personally known the leader in question a number of years, and my own impression confirms his union reputation for honesty and sobriety. On the whole I believe little respect should be accorded this type of evidence and none to the purveyors of it. I made a special effort to check the serious charge that the leaders have stolen or manipulated union funds for their own use. A number of responsible citizens of Min- neapolis believe this and referred me as their source to a former government official who has been active as a local mediator. I went to the official. "Do you know this to be true?" I asked. "Certainly," he said. "I'll prove it to you. The dues of the union are $1.60 a month. There are 4000 members in the union. The initiation fee is $3.00. Figure that up. It's quite a lot of money. The former treasurer of the union had a good job with

30

SURVEY GRAPHIC

In the July strike of 1934 the headquarters of the truck drivers' union functioned with military efficiency

Acme

the Western Electric Company a few years ago. Sud- denly, he turns up working in a Minneapolis coal yard. He joins the union and within a year is treasurer. I have no doubt that the labor leader in question is making a good thing out of Local 544. How else explain it?"

On investigation I learned that the "labor leader in question" did work for the Western Electric Company, first as a telephone line man, later in the office of the division superintendent. He lost his job in the depres- sion and went to work in a Minneapolis coal yard where his father also worked. He joined the union, struck with the rest of the coal men, and in the fall of 34 was chosen treasurer. All conservative labor leaders in Minneapolis with whom I talked, while critical of his "radical philos- ophy" attested to his honesty and ability. His name is Farrell Dobbs.

Similar charges of graft and misappropriation of funds are made against all the leaders of Local 544. So far as I have been able to discover, the evidence on which they are based is similarly unsubstantial and their sources are less trustworthy than the one I have quoted.

As to charge number two, I presume in Minneapolis, as in other cities, gangster elements in the labor move- ment "shake down" employers on occasion. But I have been assured by several employers that this art is the main source of 544's revenue and power. A notable in- stance of the charge was made during a fruit company strike last summer. Rumors were rife that Local 544 was forcing small grocery stores to pay "protection" during the strike, while the Minneapolis employers' asso- ciation was charging Local 544 with "coercing" the inde- pendent grocers. Investigating the strike I found the following: An independent grocer called the union hall, said he understood a contribution of $25 was desired and indicated his willingness to pay it. The union promptly

recruited a crew of ten organizers to visit not only the prospective contributor but all grocers explaining that strike was against the fruit company and not the grocers. and that no contribution was desired or would be accepted.

In contrast to charges one and two, my investigation of point number three clearly reveals coercion of certain types of workers. I can illustrate the fact and summarize the opposing viewpoints by giving an instance of coer- cion which I witnessed myself. A large transfer com- pany in Minneapolis organized some three years ago was found to have a full union membership except for one man. Since organization, there had been three separate wage increases in the company totaling a net increase of 40 percent. Seniority rights and other union conditions prevailed. The one recalcitrant non-unionist was interviewed by three organizers. They said : "You've had plenty of chance to find out what this is all about. You've taken everything the union gave you and given the union nothing. Now join up." The man joined. There is no doubt that Local 544, like any other aggres- sive union has used similar or severer tactics against other rugged individualists who refused to submit to majority rule. An employer to whom I told this story said that the union had violated "the man's right to work without interference from anybody." To his fellow truck drivers, however, the man had long been violating every obliga- tion to his social group.

"But the point is," said a liberal employer in Minne- apolis to me, "that a union that bases its strength on intimidating its membership into paying dues is a men- ace to the community." No one can disagree with this, but the whole record of Local 544 refutes the charge. Any organization that offers nothing but "restriction of individual liberty" can only hold its membership by

JANUARY 1937

31

employes of private organizations, and hence although your professional knowledge and training is valuable in administration, your attitude largely reflects that of your well-to-do supporters whose main interest is in cutting relief budgets. You treat the public relief client as you have been accustomed to treat the objects of private charity."

In the summer and fall of 1936 the issue which pro- duced the sharpest division, and illustrates the deep roots of the conflict, was the question of a re-registration of all relief clients. The oldest member of the Welfare Board, a business man long active in social welfare work fav- ored the measure, he told me, because he felt the re- registration would be an effective means of weeding out chisellers, and seeing that the bona fide needy received relief. He told me that due to the pressure of 544, and of Farmer-Laborites on the Welfare Board, the relief load had been so swollen it cost the city's taxpayers over a million and a quarter a year. He felt it was time to call a halt.

The Welfare Board — which had lost two of its more radical Farmer-Laborites — passed the motion for re- registration with one dissenting vote, that of Mrs. Selma Seestrom, who, with other militant Farmer-Laborites, and the Federal Workers Section of 544 protested that the re-registration was a deliberate effort to cut relief standards and intimidate clients. They pointed out that the re-registration contained a "pauper's oath" which the client was compelled to sign to get relief. Federal Work- ers Section of 544 advised its members not to sign the

force — if at all. Local 544 has promised and delivered substantial benefits. Speaking generally the wage in- crease in the trucking industry has been from 30 to 50 percent since 1934, plus seniority rights, time and a third for overtime and other union conditions. It is unlikely that the majority of their recipients have been recruited by force, unless truck drivers are less human in their economic responses than their fellowmen.

Local 544 and Relief

ONE OF THE MOST CONTROVERSIAL of all 544's activities is its so-called meddling in the city's administration of re- lief. The depression has run its course in Minnesota with a Farmer-Labor state administration in the saddle, and later in Minneapolis with the city administration con- trolled in large measure by the same party. These political leaders promptly applied their philosophy as well as their authority to the subject of relief. Their theories and methods conflicted with those of the major- ity of leading social workers, and of those Welfare Board officials in sympathy with the social work group. Both sides in the struggles that followed have assured me that this was and is the key to the difficulties in the admin- istration of public relief in Minneapolis. Upon certain issues, I find representatives of unions or of the Farmer- Labor party divide, the more conservative supporting the position of leading social workers and of other citizens. On the other hand, within the ranks of social workers, there is a left wing minority that tends to side with aggressive Farmer-Laborites and with such militant un- employed organizations as 544's "Fed- eral Workers Section." But for the most part, the position of the bulk of the social agencies and their supporters tends toward one type of approach; and that of the Farmer-Laborites, the unions and the organized unemployed toward an- other.

Let me state as clearly as possible the two conflicting positions. The social agen- cies believe that it is possible and de- sirable to keep relief out of politics, that it is a matter for efficient administrative handling by the professionally trained. They stress the impossibility of securing unlimited sums from the taxpayer. They charge that the Farmer-Labor group in the Welfare Board in 1934 and 1935, sup- ported by the organized unemployed, especially the Federal Workers Section of 544, use relief for political purposes, that they demoralize its administration and in some cases turn the Welfare Board into a racket for individual labor leaders and individual unions. From this situation they insist the relief client him- self is the chief sufferer.

The militant Farmer-Laborites and the organized unemployed organizations re- ply: Relief should be controlled by work- ers and their representatives in the Farmer-Labor party and in the organi- zations of the unemployed. "You social

workers," they Say, "are, many of you, Striking truck drivers receiving their orders from the union in 1934

32

SURVEY GRAPHIC

new registration, and picketed ail relief stations in Min- neapolis. Appearing with counsel at a Welfare Board meeting which I attended, they charged the Welfare Board with "illegal compulsion" through the required oath, and advised that unless the re-registration plan was rescinded they would bring the question into court. The oath was finally removed without, however, re- solving the controversy. Probing behind immediate issues I find that the more conservative members of the Welfare Board as well as nearly all the social agencies in the Twin Cities direct their sharpest criticism at the influence of Local 544 through its unemployed section. These critics hold that the origin of the Federal Workers Section lay in the use of the unemployed by the truck drivers' union on the 1934 strike picket lines. They charge the union leadership with using coercion to get loafers, hoboes and the unemployed on the picket line to help fight the union's battles.

THAT THE UNEMPLOYED PICKETED along with truck driv- ers in 1934 there can be no question, but interpretation of this "tactic" differs sharply in Minneapolis. Organized labor generally regards the participation of the unem- ployed in the truck drivers' strike as entirely legitimate, a heartening and even heroic chapter in labor history. The unemployed not only refused to scab, but joined the strikers on the picket line.

Whatever the solution of the relief problem in Min- neapolis, it is important to point out that tensions in this field as in all others are related to the wider economy of the city, and not unrelated to the city's past. The eco- nomic decline of the region, by decreasing opportunities for employment, has unquestionably added to the relief burden in this time of nation-wide unemployment, and of tax delinquency in many Minnesota counties. On the other hand, need for rehabilitation, resettlement and so on, has demanded an increasing share of the tax- payer's dollar, quite apart from the demands on that same dollar by the city's unemployed. And it must be remembered that in a social situation achievements are not absolute, but should properly be measured against the complexity and difficulty of the job.

Challenge to the City

To RETURN to the activities of the truck drivers' union — the union's newspaper, The Northwest Organizer, is one of 544's most famous and characteristic features. Originating at the time of the July strike, it was the first daily strike newspaper published by an American trade union. It now appears as a weekly with a circulation lar- ger than that of the official organ of the Central Labor Union. Week by week it prints labor news and attacks its enemies with a whole-hearted gusto characteristic of its militant viewpoint and the native temper of its truck driving membership.

Characteristic in style, punch and 544 humor is, for example, this item which appeared in the midst of a rumor that "Communist and Terrorist 544 is about to start another general strike to ruin Minneapolis and establish Communism":

There has been considerable speculation recently as to the possibilities of another general trucking strike in Minne- apolis. This has apparently been aroused because of a num-

ber of recent strikes against individual concerns by Local 544. These strikes took place because the employer was not abiding by the terms of the strike settlement of August 1934. It seems that some employers are not in possession of a memory capable of functioning over a twelve-month period. It is therefore necessary, from time to time, to refresh their power of retention.

As may be surmised such an editorial approach de- lights the union's friends and consistently irritates its many critics.

It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the average truck driver regards Local 544 simply as an eco- nomic dynamo for winning the union scale. It is also, for him, a school, a club and a recreation center. Classes in economics and history are held several times a week in one of the union halls. The union has its own band and holds dances in the big hall at the top of the old skating rink which it rents as headquarters. Some two or three hundred men can always be found there in the evening playing cards or checkers, "chewing the fat," and patronizing the bar in the recreation room.

During the past summer, this militant local, which for nearly two years had been officially an "outlaw" in the labor movement, was readmitted into the Teamsters In- ternational. It was taken back with no change in its structure and an agreement that, contrary to precedent, no change would be required in its progressive policies. It provided for an arrangement of fifty-fifty represen- tation of the former officers with new officers of the International. This return of an expelled militant union to the fold of the AF of L with no change in policies is unusual in American labor annals.

The organizer comments on this latest phase of the union's career with a strong sense of its historic impor- tance:

What seemed to thousands of workers three years ago, as well nigh an impossible task is an accomplished fact to- day. All attention now must be focused upon the tasks ahead. The drivers must lead the way to the organization and unionization of the unorganized workers of the state and the Northwest. Powerful in their own right, the drivers can augment this power in only one way. That is, by fol- lowing the example of Local 544, giving aid to other groups of workers in making their way into the ranks of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor. This road has been definitely laid out; it must be improved and extended.

One can, I think, agree with the implication of these words that in the present movement for organization afoot in the American labor movement, the militant unions will play an important role. At this writing and under existing circumstances their number and influence seems far more likely to grow than to diminish.

The reentry of this stormy petrel of trade unions into the fold of the American Federation of Labor has not silenced its many enemies in Minneapolis among employ- ers or even its critics within the labor movement who assert it is continuing its objectionable tactics "under dif- ferent numerals," and that it is a menace to the peace and prosperity of the city. But as I indicated in my previous articles, I am inclined to believe that the city of Minne- apolis in adjusting itself to a variety of new phenomena which the depression and its aftermath has introduced will adjust itself in the end even to as lively and bellicose a phenomenon as Local 544.

JANUARY 1937

33

The Old Fashioned Girl of Modern Japan

by HELEN MEARS

A first-hand portrait of Miss Nippon, the girl behind the export statistics, whose transition from medievalism, and what becomes of her in the process, will measure the future of industrial Japan

Photographs by the author

IT is IRONIC that the least militant element in the Jap- anese population should be the aggressive weapon of industrial Japan. The little girl in the flowered kimono standing with her paper parasol among the cherry blos- soms is for all her apparent fragility the strongest link in the chain of Japanese expansion. The Japanese woman has long been the symbol of femininity. Her qualities form a catalog of the womanly virtues. She is self-effacing, gentle, anxious to please, tactful, softly acquiescent, apparently imperturbable. She has the very feminine qualities which the European leaders praise as they displace their women from industry and put them back in the home to raise babies. The Japanese have it worked out better. The birthrate is high enough so that Japan can plausibly use the population-pressure theory as one of the reasons for territorial expansion. But to maintain this birthrate they do not keep theii women out of industry. On the contrary, Japanese women produce cotton textiles at the rate of two and three- quarter billion exportable yards a year — and babies at the rate of 117 survivors an hour. In Japan you see a machine age application of die most ancient social eco- nomic pattern in the world. The women are workers as well as mothers, and their labor, on the farm and in the light industries, frees the men for the heavy industries and, potentially, the army.

The significant element is that the textile industry ac- counted for 53.2 percent of Japan's exports in 1934; and that 83.3 percent of the operatives in this industry are the little girls who look so helpless when posed with a parasol against the cone of Mt. Fuji.

These are significant figures. If an industry can in- crease its production 117 percent in a nine-year period, it is well worth investigating. It has been investigated. The Japanese put out brochures explaining The Secret of Japan's Trade Expansion. Foreign observers confirm their conclusions: rationalization, efficiency of opera- tion, and the advantage derived from the December 1931 devaluation of the yen, have all played a part. But the important advantage which the Japanese have

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over their western competitors is their supply of "happy, enthusiastic, intelligent" workers. How does the system work to produce such an unusual body of workers? First, a word of caution to the American reader. There are situations in our own textile fields that would arouse the average Japanese manufacturer to genuine indignation. It is not the purpose here to view with alarm the encroachments of Japan on the markets of the world. Of the total world trade today, Japan has only 3.7 percent. That is no great threat to our standard of living. But at a time when social organization the world over is being subjected to incredible stresses it is inter- esting to examine a system that so far, by statistical proof, has functioned without a hitch.

The Girl Behind the Graphs

THE HAPPY intelligent girl workers of Japan are not confined to the textile industry, but they have made their most spectacular demonstration there. The workers who produce the stuff on which Japan's export trade is based are unlike any other group of workers anywhere. They are young, twelve to twenty-two (in 1920, 100,770 out of 667,201 were under fifteen years) ; they are transitory, the average length of service is three years. The typical mill worker is recruited from her farm home by an agent who advances her travel expenses and a small sum to the parents, and these advances are de- ducted from her earnings. She lives in a dormitory, behind the mill walls, eats in a communal dining-room, and has nothing to worry about except getting up at four a.m. (when on the morning shift), scrubbing the corridor of the dormitory and sweeping out the sleep- ing (and living) room which ten girls share, and working at her machine from five a.m. till two p.m. with a half hour for lunch. She carries with her into these roaring caverns of industry her courtesy and her imperturbability. If while flitting between her forty looms she becomes aware of the plant manager and a foreign visitor she will take time to stop and bow, a sharp little bow automatic as her Toyoda loom. In her

SURVEY GRAPHIC

white cap, her white blouse, and short black skirt above her chunky legs, she seems as unlike the Madame Butterfly conception as a mask is unlike a human being. Off duty, sliding along the corridor, bound for the communal bath, her long hair bobbing in a braid down her back, her blouse and skirt changed for a kimono, once again meeting the manager and a visitor she will again stop dead and bow, bobbing like those Japanese dolls of porcelain whose heads wag continuously at the touch of a finger. If she is employed by one of the first class (large, rationalized) mills, her afternoon and eve- ning, except for a free hour and a half for washing clothes and such, and a half hour for dinner, are spent in n classroom where the courses of instruction range from sewing to ethics and deportment. In the good mills she is given an occasional treat, a movie or a pic- nic. Even in the mills where there are no classes ex- cept perhaps sewing, during her term of service she is not allowed to leave the mill grounds until her indebt- edness is paid, and thereafter leaving is made so difficult, and she has so little money that virtually she lives the life of a religious, dedicated to the service of her home and country, housed and fed and protected while she handles the spindles and looms that make so uncom- fortable the textile-producing folk everywhere.

She works six days a week with Sunday a holiday and is not paid for the days she does not work.* She begins at a wage that in the United States would be $3.24 for a month of twenty-seven days and from this the com- pany gets $1.35 a month for board. Lodging, and the classes on flower arrangement, ethics, and so on, are free. After her indebtedness — of transportation, uni- forms, and advance to the parents— is paid off (it gen- erally takes six months) she receives an allowance of 17 cents a month all for herself, with which she may buy toothpaste, or a brace for her sash or toilet tissue,

* For simplicity, tlie yen wages have been translated into approximate il.illar valuations in terms of tile 1935 exchange. One yen equals 3.5 cents. In terms of purchasing power these dollar wages do not represent a literal equivalent. The different price level and the differences in way of life must be taken into consideration before an accurate picture emerges. In addition to the regular wage, certain supplementary wages are paid in the form of "welfare activities" (including housing, food, education, health measures, recreation, retirement allowance). A recent government study of 238 cotton-spinning mills found that the annua! average per worker of factory expense for supplementary wages amounted to about $6. Of the wage level of Japanese industrial labor as a whole (if the girl textile worker is deducted) an International Labour Office report of 1934, shows that the Japanese wages in 1931 were almost equivalent in gold value to those of Poland and Italy.

or some one of the little feminine essentials without which no girl can continue to be enthusiastic and intel- ligent. If her allowance does not cover her necessities she may secure them at the store conveniently within the mill walls, and charge them against her salary. (This feature of the system will not be an innovation to our own textile management.) At the end of eighteen months she will be raised to $4.55 a month and her per- sonal allowance increased to 35 cents. When she leaves at the end of three years she may be earning as much as $8.91 a month. The unusual girl who stays for five or six years may earn as much as $13.50. Once or twice a year she receives a bonus which ranges from 35 cents to as much as